a. Realism | ||
b. Asymmetric conflict | ||
c. Counterinsurgency strategy | ||
d. Asymmetric conflict | ||
e. Revolution in military affairs |
a. Civilizational differences have never been and never will be a primary source of international conflict; instead, conflict derives from the anarchic international system. | ||
b. The problem is not with culture and religious differences per se, but with the lack of democracy in certain parts of the world. | ||
c. Civilizations are not actors nor are they units of analysis; thus, they cannot be used as a basis to predict international conflict. | ||
d. Civilizations are not monolithic or uniform entities, but instead are composed of many different and pluralistic elements. |
a. Opposition to any war and support for peaceful reunification based on mutual recognition, trust and reciprocity. | ||
b. Maintaining regional stability and establishing fraternal relations with surrounding region through cooperation in maintaining regional security for all. | ||
c. Regime survival, security for the state -- which includes protecting the political ideology of the state against internal forces -- and reunification. | ||
d. Ensuring nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, halting terrorism, promoting regional stability, encouraging economic development, and promoting human dignity. |
a. Trade and Economics | ||
b. Technology and Economics | ||
c. Transparency and Energy |
a. Reporters and others in the mainstream media root about and expose abuses freely and without discrimination; they keep an eye on the government. | ||
b. The mainstream media informs the public on the major issues of the day with sufficient context, depth, and honesty. | ||
c. The mainstream media tend to follow a state agenda in reporting foreign policy. | ||
d. Reporters and other play an adversarial role: they challenge and prod government officials to ensure that the truth come out. |
a. People in China and the United States have similar entrepreneurial and individualistic spirit. | ||
b. People in China and the United States both have deeply held religious convictions. | ||
c. People in China and the United States both believe firmly in democracy and freedom of speech. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. It provides a basis for bilateral and multilateral efforts to control weapons and make offense easier. | ||
b. It suggests that defensive weapons systems have a large advantage and states will likely conclude that war is unprofitable. | ||
c. It may suggest optimal military doctrines and force structures given available technology. | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. Neoconservatives do not appreciate the role of international institutions in maintaining global peace and security. | ||
b. Neoconservatives discount the role that regime type plays in determining state behavior. | ||
c. Neoconservatives fail to appreciate the importance of bureaucratic politics. | ||
d. Neoconservatives inappropriately graft idealist democratic principles onto a realist focus on military power. | ||
e. None of the above |
a. Second generation neo-conservatives were more concerned with international issues, and adopted an interventionist position in world affairs; specifically, they believed in using military power to spread American ideas. | ||
b. Second generation neo-conservatives believed that the United States should return to a more isolationist position in world affairs, and concentrate on building American power from the inside. | ||
c. Second generation neo-conservatives argued that the United States should lead by example, and should refrain from using military force unless the United States was directly threatened by an outside power. | ||
d. This is a trick question, since there were essentially no disagreements, in principle or in practice, between first and second generation neo-conservatives; the distinction between generations is one based purely on the ages of the leading figures. |
a. Reporters are encouraged to report independently, to go anywhere they want to find stories involving US military action, and then report on a strictly factual basis. | ||
b. Virtually any coverage of the military generates positive feeling within the American public. | ||
c. Hollywood films, in their depictions of the military, tend to denigrate the heroic exploits of US military power. | ||
d. Special briefings are often given to "military analysts," many of whom have ideological agreements with and allegiance to the Pentagon. |
a. The U.S. is not the sole superpower, but the most powerful state in the history of the international system. | ||
b. The U.S. has a preponderance of material power with regard to potential power. | ||
c. The U.S. has a preponderance of material power with regard to economic power . | ||
d. The U.S. has a preponderance of material power with regard to military power. | ||
e. All of the above |
a. Economic policy | ||
b. Diplomacy | ||
c. Military doctrine | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. To preserve American credibility | ||
b. Out of fear that other states would ally with the Soviet Union if it extended its influence to Korea | ||
c. Due to domestic political concerns | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the Above |
a. Indecision | ||
b. Exceeding its budgetary apportionments | ||
c. Groupthink | ||
d. Sending mixed signals | ||
e. War-like behavior |
a. Containment | ||
b. Isolationism | ||
c. Deterrence | ||
d. Security Dilemma |
a. Civil war | ||
b. Insurgency | ||
c. The search for protection at a time of uncertainty | ||
d. Asymmetric conflict | ||
e. Guerrilla warfare |
a. There was no longer a monopoly on the legitimate use of force within Iraq's borders. | ||
b. There was no longer a central focus for identity formation among Iraqi civilians. | ||
c. Iraqis were searching for protection at a time of uncertainty. | ||
d. The Iraqi polity had become fractured and unpredictable. | ||
e. All of the above |
a. The world is becoming a smaller place. | ||
b. The processes of economic modernization and social change throughout the world are separating people from longstanding local identities. | ||
c. Cultures continue to change and adapt to new conditions all the time. | ||
d. Differences among civilizations are not only real they are basic. |
a. Unilateral disarmament. | ||
b. Preemptive military action abroad when necessary. | ||
c. The spread of democracy abroad. | ||
d. Aggressive action against states and groups that aid and harbor terrorists. | ||
e. Encouragement of global economic prosperity through capitalism. |
a. The United States must turn its attention to weak and failed states that may become havens for terrorist organizations. | ||
b. The present threat must be met with a renewed emphasis on conventional military power. | ||
c. The United States must be willing to take unilateral action when necessary to protect its interests. | ||
d. The United States must work with its allies and international institutions to address common threats. | ||
e. The United States faces a novel threat in shadowy international networks not aligned with any one state. |
a. Ideas | ||
b. States | ||
c. Issues | ||
d. People |
a. Eminent Domain | ||
b. The Monroe Doctrine | ||
c. The Mayflower Compact | ||
d. Expansionism |
a. It demonstrated the growing importance of international regimes, which act as a sort of governance mechanism among sovereign states. | ||
b. It provided evidence of the key role of power in shaping the design and evolution of international regimes, giving rise to so-called hegemonic stability theory. | ||
c. It showed that, even after shits in the distribution of inter-state power, international regimes could survive and continue to thrive. | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. The US, unlike European countries and other major powers in history, has only used its military power in limited and non-aggressive ways. | ||
b. The US has, by far, the greatest and longest-lived democracy in the world. | ||
c. US expansion was defined as anti-colonial rather than colonial, republican rather than monarchical, and, unlike the European countries, the US became a major power without a forma empire. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. The United States, in classic realist fashion, threatened to annihilate Cuba and launch a first strike against the Soviet homeland, which forced the Soviets to remove all missiles. | ||
b. In exchange for the Soviets removing all their missiles from Cuba, the United States agreed to secretly remove all US missiles set in southern Italy and Turkey. | ||
c. The United States carried out a successful, but secret, raid against the missile installations in Cuba, and destroyed all the missiles on the ground. | ||
d. The Soviets threatened an all-out war, which forced the United States to back down. |
a. The Department of Homeland Security | ||
b. The National Security Council | ||
c. The War Powers Act | ||
d. The Central Intelligence Agency | ||
e. Department of Defense and Joint Chiefs of Staff |
a. The United States should use military power to ensure that any threats to the disruption of international supplies of oil and gas are dealt with immediately and effectively. | ||
b. The United States should develop strong relations with major energy exporters as the preferred option, but be willing to use military force as a secondary option. | ||
c. The United States should attempt to encourage greater efficiency in the use of oil and gas not just in the US, but around the world; the US should also organize consumer countries to adopt common energy policies. | ||
d. The United States should attempt to reduce its reliance on foreign oil and gas to around 20% of total consumption; while difficult, this will ensure that access to oil and gas cannot be used as a lever by exporting counties. |
a. Realism | ||
b. Marxism | ||
c. Liberalism | ||
d. Bureaucratic Politics |
a. British appeasement of Hitler | ||
b. German national character | ||
c. The harshness of the Versailles Treaty | ||
d. The contradictions of capitalism |
a. Marxism, because it focuses on the importance of economic factors in world politics. | ||
b. Constructivism, because it shows how an idea was important in US foreign policy. | ||
c. Realism, because it emphasizes the power of the United States. | ||
d. Bureaucratic Politics, because it focuses on the role of the president. |
a. Threats now come primarily from highly mobile, non-state actors, such as al Qaeda, which means the US needs to develop a new type of military force and new methods of intelligence gathering. | ||
b. The most serious problems and threats facing countries today, including the United States, are global and transnational; addressing and resolving such problems requires broad-based international cooperation. | ||
c. The world has become profoundly more dangerous than in the past with more and different types of enemies; to deal with this, the United States must create a stronger, denser network of alliances that can effectively marginalize and isolate all potential enemies. | ||
d. Information and other technology has vastly increased the vulnerability of the United States to indirect, non-military threats -- threats that are every bit as dangerous as a nuclear strike; dealing with these new threats requires the US to invest more in technology and to become a techno-power, not just a military power. |
a. The security dilemma | ||
b. A lack of cultural understanding | ||
c. Poor knowledge of history between the two countries | ||
d. The relatively small influence of Pakistan's military in government decision-making | ||
e. The strict pressures of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty |
a. The US invasion of Iraq was based on the threat that the Iraqi regime under Saddam Hussein was close to developing nuclear weapons. | ||
b. The Bush administration was motivated by a strong desire to rid Iraq of Saddam Hussein, a violent and repressive despot, and to replace him with a democratic government that would turn Iraq in a solid ally and base of cooperation in the Middle East. | ||
c. The Bush Administration was ultimately motivated by the desire to control Iraq's vast oil reserves, an interest that was being threatened by other states -- France, Russia, China, and Italy -- who had started making efforts to remove UN restrictions on foreign investments in the Iraqi oil industry. | ||
d. The US invasion was a direct product of the 9-11 terrorists attacks, which US intelligence had linked to Iraq (although this connection was later proved to be false). |
a. Bush pursued a policy that attempted to preserve US dominance in the world. | ||
b. Bush proposed implanting democracy in the Middle East forcefully, without explaining how democracy would take root. | ||
c. Bush attempted to create a dense network of alliances and treaties, pulling together countries with very different interests. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. President Obama believes that all people, regardless of differing cultural backgrounds, ultimately embrace the same basic values and rights. | ||
b. President Obama believes that, despite irreconcilable differences between and among cultures and civilizations, it is possible to build a basis for cooperation rather than conflict. | ||
c. President Obama believes that there are no cultural distinctions between civilizations; to the extent that conflict exists between civilizations, it is based national self-interest only. | ||
d. President Obama is a constructivist; he believes that cultural differences can be overcome through a conscious process of constructing a global culture to which all people subscribe. |
a. Ideological factors in the US and Soviet Union that led to very different and contradictory visions of the postwar world. | ||
b. The rise of great nation states, which inherently create the basis for conflict. | ||
c. The nature of the Soviet system, which was totalitarian and unable to compromise with other states. | ||
d. A US leadership that did not understand fully understand Soviet intentions and aims in the postwar era. |
a. Realism | ||
b. Marxism | ||
c. Constructivism | ||
d. Liberalism |
a. Realism | ||
b. Marxism | ||
c. Liberalism | ||
d. Bureaucratic Politics | ||
e. Cognitive Approach |
a. Liberal Pessimists | ||
b. Realist Optimists | ||
c. Realist Pessimists | ||
d. Constructivist Pessimists |
a. In 1992, President George H.W. Bush called for strengthening the peacekeeping capabilities of the United Nations. | ||
b. The approval of the SALT I Interim agreement of 1992, which set forth goals, guidelines, and criteria in the authorizing legislation. | ||
c. In January 1994, President Clinton attended the NATO summit meeting. | ||
d. President Reagan's decision to invade Grenada on October 24, 1983. |
a. Offense-defense theory | ||
b. Realism | ||
c. Liberalism | ||
d. The Democratic Peace Thesis | ||
e. Both C and D |
a. Preventive war | ||
b. Preemptive war | ||
c. Just war | ||
d. Hegemonic war |
a. Yes, crisis could lead to renewed military conflict between and among European states, which would necessarily draw in the United States. | ||
b. Yes, the US has important trade and investment links with Europe, so economic problems there will have an unavoidable impact on the US economy. | ||
c. No, Europe's economic problems are largely disconnected from the United States economy: what happens in Europe stays in Europe. | ||
d. No, the economic problems in Europe will not impact the EU's largest economies, which means that the negative spillovers will be easily contained. |
a. Rational thinking and realistic expectations | ||
b. Cognitive bias and linear reductionism | ||
c. Complementary nonlinear perspective | ||
d. Deterministic Marxist thinking |
a. The International Monetary Fund | ||
b. The League of Nations | ||
c. The World Trade Organization | ||
d. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development | ||
e. Both A and D |
a. The size of the budget for the Defense Department relative to that of the State Department | ||
b. The president's free hand with regard to control over the military | ||
c. The prominent role of the Central Intelligence Agency in U.S. foreign policy | ||
d. A network of U.S. military bases strategically placed throughout the world | ||
e. All of the above |
a. Marxism | ||
b. Constructivism | ||
c. Realism | ||
d. Soft Power |
a. The Taliban and al Qaeda have found new sanctuaries in the Eastern provinces of Afghanistan and the western tribal areas of Pakistan. | ||
b. The Taliban has continued to attract recruits and money. | ||
c. There is anger over the civilian casualties that result from U.S. airstrikes on al Qaeda and Taliban targets. | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. To advise the President with respect to the integration of domestic, foreign, and military policies relating to national security. | ||
b. To collect, evaluate, and disseminate foreign intelligence to assist the President and senior US Government policymakers in making decisions related to national security. | ||
c. To assess and appraise the objectives, commitments, and risks of the US in relation to the country's actual and potential military power, in the interest of national security, for the purpose of making recommendations to the President. | ||
d. To consider policies on matters of common interest to the departments and agencies of the government concerned with national security and to make recommendations to the president. |
a. "Clear, hold, and build" | ||
b. Revolution in military affairs | ||
c. Counterinsurgency strategy | ||
d. The use of overwhelming force (approximately 5:1 ratio) | ||
e. None of the above |
a. The Four Freedoms | ||
b. The Potsdam Conference | ||
c. The Atlantic Charter | ||
d. The Pacific Standard |
a. Control over the federal budget | ||
b. The power to appoint members of the national security bureaucracy | ||
c. Management of the department of defense | ||
d. Veto power concerning military strategy | ||
e. The ability to promote or remove generals |
a. Internationalism | ||
b. Realism | ||
c. Isolationism | ||
d. Liberalism |
a. Liberalism | ||
b. Realism | ||
c. Marxism | ||
d. Bureaucratic Politics |
a. A strategy of containment, in which U.S. foreign policy makers seek to reduce Russian influence in neighboring countries | ||
b. A strategy appeasement, in which U.S. policy makers seek to diffuse tensions with Russian leaders in order to placate Russian complaints | ||
c. A strategy of brinksmanship, in which U.S. policy makers openly challenge Russia through increased military spending and the threat of force | ||
d. A "reset" strategy, in which US policy-makers seek to reestablish a positive relationship with Russian leaders to address issues of mutual concern | ||
e. None of the above |
a. The lobby's influence on U.S. foreign policy violates the U.S. constitutional separation of powers. | ||
b. The lobby advocates for policies that may not be in the strategic interests of the United States and may even be detrimental to Israel's long-term security. | ||
c. The lobby is not effective in influencing U.S. foreign policy. | ||
d. The lobby behaves differently from other interest groups that seek to influence the government. | ||
e. All of the above |
a. Freedom from poverty, from danger, from fear, and from evil | ||
b. Freedom of speech and of worship, and freedom from want and fear | ||
c. Freedom of religion and place of residence, and from hate and anger | ||
d. Freedom of speech and place of residence, and from want and evil |
a. Wilson was ill at the time, which had an affect on his personality: he was more self-righteous, uncompromising, and sensitive. | ||
b. Wilson was an inherent optimist, which made it difficult for him to deal with those who failed to share his optimistic view of the world. | ||
c. Wilson was ill at time, making him very weak-willed and easy to bully; he was unable to stand up to his detractors. | ||
d. Wilson never had the negotiating skills to deal with others who disagreed with his views. |
a. Congress voted to adopt a wait-and-see attitude toward the administration with regard to the use of military force in the Vietnam war. | ||
b. Congress would oppose any effort by the president and his administration to further expand the use of military force in Southeast Asia. | ||
c. Congress would approve and support the determination of the president to take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression in Southeast Asia. | ||
d. None of the above | ||
e. The military and civilian leadership in the United States had lied about important aspects of the war in Vietnam, including the fact the US was carrying out attacks in Laos and Cambodia. | ||
f. The war in Vietnam was known to be unwinnable from the very beginning. | ||
g. The US military and civilian leadership did not want to wage a war in Vietnam, but was forced to because of previous commitments made to the French. | ||
h. American military personnel were implicated a large number of atrocities, especially the My Lai massacre. |
a. Common monetary policy but no common fiscal policy | ||
b. Common fiscal policy but no common monetary policy | ||
c. Lack of common monetary or fiscal policy | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. A set of disagreements around the future of the NATO alliance | ||
b. The issue of how much the EU should be expanded | ||
c. The proposal to create a EU-North American free trade zone | ||
d. The stance the US and Europe should take vis-a-vis China's rise |
a. China is still a relatively weak county with limited geopolitical ambitions; for these reasons, the United States will remain in a dominant position for the foreseeable future. | ||
b. China's increasing participation in international institutions of various kinds will lead to shifts in its strategic culture, in the norms of international behavior accepted by its leaders, and ultimately in their conceptions of national identity; all of this will lead to a more peaceful and cooperative relationship with the US. | ||
c. The Chinese leadership have forged strong interpersonal ties with American leaders and business people, which is creating the basis for a more positive relationship between the two countries. | ||
d. Increasing bilateral economic exchanges are creating shared interests in good relations between the US and China, and China's growing participation in international institutions is improving communication between the two countries and reducing uncertainty. |
a. The security dilemma | ||
b. The Democratic Peace thesis | ||
c. Just war theory | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. Russia's influence over oil-rich nations in the Middle East | ||
b. Russia's vast supply of natural gas, much of which is imported by European nations | ||
c. Russia's nuclear energy capacity | ||
d. Russia's self-sufficiency with regard to energy | ||
e. None of the above |
a. Regime types play an important role in state behavior. | ||
b. Democracies do not fight one another. | ||
c. It is possible for states to know the intentions of other states. | ||
d. International institutions play an important role in determining outcomes in the international system. | ||
e. International relations is a struggle for power among self-interested states. |
a. The Holocaust | ||
b. The failed marine intervention in Somalia | ||
c. The Gulf War | ||
d. The Korean War | ||
e. All of the above |
a. Negotiators confirmed the status of a demilitarized and disarmed Germany under four zones of Allied occuptions. | ||
b. The Allied power agreed to give Poland a large swath of German territory and to begin to deport the Germany residents of the territory in question. | ||
c. The Soviet Union was denied any power over Poland after the war. | ||
d. All parties agree to an American plan concerning voting procedures in the Security Council of the future United Nations. | ||
e. The Allied Control Commission was created. |
a. The League of Nations was not strong enough to be successful; it needed more widespread participation and an army of its own. | ||
b. The League of Nations contradicted the basic principle of nationalism, of always putting the interests of the United States first. | ||
c. The League of Nations was dominated by Bolsheviks and enemies of the United States. | ||
d. The League of Nations was undemocratic. |
a. Only a combining of the military with American industry could ensure US security in the future; for this reason, it was necessary to build a military-industrial complex. | ||
b. The military-industrial complex was a necessary evil; that is, while it was sometimes wasteful and inefficient, it had proven to be the best protection against powerful enemies. | ||
c. The military-industrial complex proved that Americans could have "both guns and butter." | ||
d. The military-industrial complex posed a threat to democracy itself. |
a. The EU has a strong commitment to socialism, while the US is more strongly committed to individualism. | ||
b. The EU has a strong commitment to multilateralism, while the US, especially under Bush, values unilateralism. | ||
c. The EU believes that military force should only be used to defend against direct attacks; the US believes that military forces can be used proactively. | ||
d. The EU is more committed to diversity and multiculturalism than the United States. |
a. Liberalism | ||
b. Neo-conservatism | ||
c. Realism | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. Power is the most important determinant of outcomes in the international system. | ||
b. Democracies do not fight one another. | ||
c. International disputes can be mediated by international institutions. | ||
d. Multipolar systems are unstable. | ||
e. Bureaucratic politics lead to sub-par decision outcomes. |
a. Weak governing institutions | ||
b. Physically devastated after 30 years of war and civil war | ||
c. Rampant corruption in provincial governments | ||
d. Weak central government that is unable to control provincial and tribal governments | ||
e. All of the above |
a. General scars that remained from the legacy of the Vietnam War | ||
b. Fears of a possible chemical attack | ||
c. Vocal disagreements between different military commanders | ||
d. Concerns of potentially large U.S. casualties | ||
e. All of the above |
a. Fear of the resurrection of the Soviet Union | ||
b. Russia's significant energy resources | ||
c. The lack of Russian language experts in the U.S. foreign policymaking bureaucracy | ||
d. Russia's bellicose approach to dealing with Iran | ||
e. None of the above |
a. The movement is part of a disinformation campaign designed by Iran's ruling clerics. | ||
b. The reform movement in Iran, though hostile to the ruling clerics, is also militarily anti-American. | ||
c. There is concern that such support would delegitimize the movement by making it susceptible to claims that it is the result of American influence. | ||
d. The U.S. embassy in Iran cautions against such support. | ||
e. All of the above |
a. This was a predicament that the U.S. and USSR found themselves in beginning in the 1950s. | ||
b. This concept only pertains to superpower countries with second-strike nuclear capabilities. | ||
c. This concept existed even before the USSR achieved parity with the U.S. regarding nuclear warheads | ||
d. This concept meant that any first nuclear strike would be tantamount to suicide. | ||
e. All of the above |
a. North Korea | ||
b. Libya | ||
c. Iran | ||
d. Iraq | ||
e. All of the above |
a. "Pivoting" military from a focus on Europe and the Middle East to Southeast Asia | ||
b. Continuously working to integrate China into the current international economic system | ||
c. Working to spread norms of freedom and democracy throughout the world | ||
d. Continuing to engage China diplomatically | ||
e. All of the above |
a. The existence of other peer great power competitors | ||
b. The high likelihood of great power war | ||
c. The high likelihood of the possibility that regional crises might escalate to great power war similar to the period before World War II | ||
d. Given the age of mass terrorism, the low physical security of the U.S. homeland | ||
e. None of the above |
a. In the 1970s, the United States helped to dispose of the Shah or Iran, an autocratic and highly repressive leader. | ||
b. The United States initially was supportive of the revolutionary movement led by Ayatollah Khomeni, but eventually turned against it when revolutionary forces seized control of the American embassy. | ||
c. After Mossadegh began to nationalize the Iran oil industry, the United States joined Britain in a plot that eventually overthrew a properly elected and very popular prime minister. | ||
d. The United States support of Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war helped turned warming relations between the two countries into a very hostile relationship. |
a. U.S. forces support host government by clearing area of insurgents. | ||
b. U.S. troops transition to law enforcement role to hold cleared areas. | ||
c. U.S. forces use political, military, and social programs to reduce the appeal of insurgency and build government legitimacy in the eyes of the populations. | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. Veto power | ||
b. The status of the president's office as the head of state | ||
c. Power to make treaties | ||
d. Role as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces | ||
e. Control of the defense budget |
a. Nuclear proliferation | ||
b. The strategic importance of China | ||
c. Problems associated with weak or failed states | ||
d. Great power politics | ||
e. Anti-capitalist ideology |
a. Resolutions and policy statements | ||
b. Independent action | ||
c. Informal advice | ||
d. Legislative restrictions/funding denials | ||
e. Oversight |
a. The United States should give South Korea the lead in negotiating with North Korea, since South Korea is in the best position to negotiated with North Korea and can be regarded as a trusted and reliable ally. | ||
b. The United States should cease pushing for an improvement of human rights in North Korea as a condition for better relations; pressing for human rights is counterproductive. | ||
c. The United States should adopt a hard-line stance toward North Korea, insisting that important benchmarks be met by North Korea before engaging in substantive negotiations. | ||
d. The issue of WMD proliferation should be put on the back-burner, as it is more important to basic trust in other areas first. |
a. Nuclear weapons posed a grave danger to world order during the Cold War. | ||
b. The United States should employ a strategy of containment against the Soviet Union. | ||
c. The Soviet Union was less of a threat than previously feared. | ||
d. The Soviet Union could be mollified through skillful diplomacy. | ||
e. The United States' defense budget was spiraling out of control. |
a. Improved intelligence sharing among the various agencies responsible for intelligence gathering and national security | ||
b. Greater unity with regard to domestic and foreign policy priorities | ||
c. A decreased reliance on covert operations | ||
d. More imagination and creativity with regard to foreign policy | ||
e. Preventing the international spread of Islamic extremism |
a. Predominance is the necessary foundation of American military strategy. | ||
b. Rather than containment or deterrence, the United States will act first to remove threats before they fully materialize. | ||
c. Multilateralism and international cooperation are the preferred choices of the United States. | ||
d. Regime change, to further the interests of the United States, is necessary. |
a. The United States adopted a second strike capability, or the ability to deter an attack by possessing the capability to absorb an enemy's nuclear attack and retaliate with so much force that it could inflict an unacceptable level of damage on its society. | ||
b. The United States sought to build as many nuclear weapons as the defense budget could accommodate. | ||
c. The United States vowed to respond to any Soviet nuclear attack with a nuclear attack of its own. | ||
d. The United States aggressively pressured other states to sign the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. | ||
e. The United States urged its NATO allies to also develop nuclear weapons. |
a. The security or realist model | ||
b. The domestic politics model | ||
c. The norms model | ||
d. No one model, by itself, provides a basis for dealing with all cases |
a. A Nobel laureate who worked for global nuclear disarmament | ||
b. A now-deceased leader of an al Qaeda cell in Iraq | ||
c. An assistant to Saddam Hussein who managed Iraq's chemical weapons program | ||
d. The father of the Pakistani nuclear weapons program | ||
e. None of the above |
a. It was the first time in human history that a specific ethnic-religious population, the Jews, were targeted by a state for extermination. | ||
b. It was the bloodiest war in human history to that point, causing the deaths of almost 30 million people. | ||
c. It was the first time that the major European powers had ever engaged in conflict with one another. | ||
d. It was the first war in which nuclear weapons were used. |
a. Unipolarity is inherently unstable and prone to conflict as other states seek to create a counterpoise to the overweening power of the leading states. | ||
b. Unipolarity has never existed; instead it is, at best, a highly transitory phenomenon. | ||
c. Unipolarity is essentially an ideological construct created by the United States as a way to legitimize its dominance and power. | ||
d. Unipolarity is unambiguously descriptive of the international system today; it is also highly stable and prone to peace, rather than conflict. |
a. Changes in the international system such as the creation of a bipolar world order that persisted throughout the Cold War and the emergence of the U.S. as the world's sole superpower following the Cold War's collapse | ||
b. Changes in the calculations and perceptions of different generations of U.S. foreign policymakers | ||
c. Fluctuation in state power regarding extraction and mobilization capacity | ||
d. All of the above | ||
e. None of the above |
a. The transition from a bipolar world order to a unipolar world order | ||
b. The increase in states with democratic governments | ||
c. The importance of the domestic influences within Russia that led to the peaceful collapse of the Soviet Union | ||
d. The increased prominence of the United Nations | ||
e. The decreased importance of nuclear weapons |
a. The National Security Council | ||
b. The Department of Homeland Security | ||
c. The Joint Chiefs of Staff | ||
d. The Military Industrial Complex | ||
e. The Pentagon |
a. The pursuit and protection of Middle Eastern oil has always been an important part of US security policy, but it has never served as a reason to use military force on a large scale such as the invasion of Iraq. | ||
b. The pursuit and protection of Middle Eastern oil has always been an important part of US security policy, and this was likely a major reason the Bush administration invaded Iraq. | ||
c. The invasion of Iraq likely had very little to do with American oil interests in that country; instead, the reasons were primarily strategic and political given Saddam Hussein's purported desire to build nuclear weapons. | ||
d. The idea that the United States government would invade another country in order to ensure access to that country's oil reserves is put forward by Marxists and others who are critical of US foreign policy. |
a. The Democratic Peace Thesis | ||
b. Liberalism | ||
c. Constructivism | ||
d. Realism | ||
e. Soft Power |