| a. Pan-Africanism emerged in the African diaspora as a response to colonial subjugation and fostered political activism within African colonies, leading to independence. | ||
| b. Pan-Africanism was the brainchild of Jomo Kenyatta, who propagated the ideals of African unity. | ||
| c. Pan-Africanism was promoted by the US government in an attempt to undermine European colonizing powers in Africa. | ||
| d. Supporters of Pan-Africanist ideals, such as Marcus Garvey and W.E.B. Du Bois, traveled widely through Africa and instructed African leaders in the art of civil protest. |
| a. Africa was rich in natural resources that Europe needed to fuel its industrial endeavors. | ||
| b. Africa's skilled labor force was instrumental for reinvigorating Europe's industrialization. | ||
| c. European capitalists saw great investment opportunities in Africa's nascent industrial sector and pushed European states to ensure that Europe could avail itself freely of these opportunities. | ||
| d. The colonization of Africa ensued only because African leaders refused to enter into trading relationships with European states. |
| a. Western Sahara | ||
| b. South Africa | ||
| c. Sudan | ||
| d. South Sudan |
| a. Ghana and Kenya | ||
| b. Mali and Malawi | ||
| c. Liberia and Ethiopia | ||
| d. Liberia and Sierra Leone |
| a. Colonies with large settler populations such as Zimbabwe and Mozambique | ||
| b. Colonies in the peasant zone such as Ghana and Mali | ||
| c. Colonies controlled by Belgium | ||
| d. Landlocked colonies |
| a. Centralized political systems minimized linguistic diversity. | ||
| b. One purpose of centralized political systems was to create the foundation for large military forces that could be called upon for defense and territorial expansion. | ||
| c. Ruling elites fostered the formation of centralized political systems for the purpose of facilitating the integration and taxation of commercial activity within a region. | ||
| d. States in pre-colonial Africa allowed for the exceptional development of ingenious artistry and metalworking craftsmanship, which were highly valued by African societies. |
| a. Great Britain and Italy | ||
| b. France and Great Britain | ||
| c. Portugal and Germany | ||
| d. Belgium and France |
| a. The idea of statehood as a form of political organization emerged in Egypt and spread throughout Africa in subsequent centuries. | ||
| b. The emergence of African states is intricately tied to local environmental conditions and societies' engagement in commercial activities. | ||
| c. African societies were unfamiliar with the concept of statehood prior to colonialism and therefore, the first African states emerged as a result of decolonization. | ||
| d. Several African societies had experimented with statehood between the tenth and seventeenth centuries but abandoned the concept in favor of more loosely constructed forms of political organization centered on the notion of kinship. |
| a. There is not enough data from the colonial period to assess the impacts of colonialism. | ||
| b. Some scholars believe that colonialism had a major impact on long-term African politics, while others believe that more recent events are more important. | ||
| c. In some cases, colonialism introduced effective political institutions. | ||
| d. There is consensus that the brevity of the colonial period implies a trivial impact on African socio-political development within the larger context of African history. |
| a. Africa's contemporary borders developed naturally over centuries and reflect African states' linguistic homogeneity. | ||
| b. Africa's borders are in constant flux due to frequent re-drawings. | ||
| c. Africa's contemporary borders are a consequence of colonialism; European powers divided the continent in a way that lacks cohesion with ethnic realities. | ||
| d. Africa's contemporary borders are under constant UN supervision to ensure territorial integrity. |
| a. European powers controlled the economic and foreign policies of their African colonies, but African leadership maintained complete authority over local affairs. | ||
| b. Colonial rule was characterized by democracy and respect for human rights. | ||
| c. Governance in colonial Africa was characterized by shared decision-making between Europeans and Africans. | ||
| d. Authoritarianism and the use of force were dominant features of European colonial administrations in Africa. |
| a. African resistance to colonialism has not changed over the decades of colonial rule; it has taken the form of violent protest from the outset to its conclusion with the achievement of independence. | ||
| b. African resistance to colonialism was consistently driven by rural populations; only in the final years of colonialism did urban dwellers join the political movements. | ||
| c. The nature of African resistance to colonialism changed over the decades. It was initially guided by European missionaries who objected the ruthless exploitation of African labor. In the post-World War II years, returning African soldiers assumed leadership positions in the anti-colonial struggle. | ||
| d. The demands and strategies of African resistance to colonialism changed over the decades with World War II providing a major impetus for independence movements. |
| a. The use of force as an enforcement mechanism | ||
| b. The emphasis of ethnic identity | ||
| c. The equal representation of Africans and Europeans in parliamentary bodies | ||
| d. The collection of taxes |
| a. All three states were former Belgian colonies. | ||
| b. All three states were weak for a variety of historical reasons, but it was bad leadership that ultimately stalled state development. | ||
| c. During the Cold War, all three states were involved in prolonged proxy warfare. | ||
| d. While all three states were once considered to be the "bread basket" of Africa, their agricultural sectors fell into decline when the patronage system wasted national resources. |
| a. A state with a single ruling party and a charismatic political leader who monopolizes decision-making | ||
| b. A state that has been ruled by the same military leader for at least ten years | ||
| c. A state in which the military dominates politics | ||
| d. A state under totalitarian rule |
| a. Political patronage ensured the longevity of ruling families, because monies were made available for members of the extended family to study abroad and contribute to government expertise. | ||
| b. Political patronage deflated opposition movements and created larger support bases for the ruling elite, thereby ensuring the elite's longevity in government. | ||
| c. African leaders used patronage to obtain the support of international leaders. | ||
| d. Political patronage allowed African governments to combine traditional and modern political structures by creating leadership positions for elected officials and traditional kings and chiefs. |
| a. Soldier dissatisfaction with failure of politicians to alter military leadership structures after colonialism | ||
| b. Political leaders' use of the military in quelling political opposition that soldiers regarded as an undermining of their professionalism | ||
| c. Corruption, rising unemployment, and economic stagnation | ||
| d. Changes instituted to transform the character of national militaries such as new uniforms, unit names, etc. |
| a. Clientelism has undermined but not eliminated political opposition. | ||
| b. Because clientelistic networks are expensive to maintain and grow, they have drained national resources. | ||
| c. Clientelism occurred only in urban areas, insulating rural areas from its negative effects. | ||
| d. Clientelism led to a shrinking public sector when the growth of parastatals made jobs a less appealing form of patronage. |
| a. The government has lost control over parts of the state's territory. | ||
| b. The ruling elite engages more and more in corrupt and oppressive practices. | ||
| c. The government has become unable or unwilling to invest time and money into social services such as education and health. | ||
| d. Vigorous democratic debate characterizes legislative bodies even in the absence of real legislative power. |
| a. Nelson Mandela | ||
| b. Léopold Senghor | ||
| c. Mobutu Sese Seko | ||
| d. Julius Nyerere |
| a. European colonizers and African independence leaders jointly prepared the colonies for independence by carefully shaping the political institutions and skills necessary for self-government. | ||
| b. Some European colonizers hastily instituted elements of democracy but failed to anchor them in preexisting norms and institutions. | ||
| c. All European colonizers, pleased with the end of colonialism, provided extensive material and professional support for the successful transition to self-government for an extended period after independence. | ||
| d. Africans balanced their lack of technical and administrative expertise due to colonial education policies with an enthusiastic work ethic that quickly resulted in the successful consolidation of political power. |
| a. The relationship was amicable and cooperative; each group continued to collaborate with the other as they had done in the anti-colonial struggle. | ||
| b. Politicians tended to mistrust members of the military, because the military had used force to implement unpopular policies. | ||
| c. The positive relationship between politicians and soldiers solidified as politicians called on soldiers to serve in advisory capacities. | ||
| d. Soldiers tended to resent politicians' decision-making authority and vied for political influence. |
| a. Despite widespread poverty, the economic future looked bright, because governments could rely on the burgeoning industry that colonial administrations had created. | ||
| b. African states entered the post-colonial era with feeble economies as economic policies during colonialism were geared towards the generation of profits for European stakeholders. | ||
| c. Africa's agricultural sector was sufficiently strong to sustain African development efforts for the foreseeable future. | ||
| d. Africa's economic development was secured for a period of twenty years as a result of extensive reparation payments negotiated with the former colonizing powers. |
| a. Dismantling of democratic institutions | ||
| b. Quelling of opposition | ||
| c. Expansion of military forces | ||
| d. Strengthening of judicial branch |
| a. Leaders did not face constraints on their autocratic tendencies. | ||
| b. Multi-party systems were decried as vestiges of colonialism that were introduced to undermine African self-government. | ||
| c. Because political parties refused to work in a bipartisan manner, African leaders decided to remove the perceived source of political impasse by creating single-party states. | ||
| d. Traditional African forms of governance were not based on shared decision-making; in an effort to infuse modern African governance with customary practices, African leaders eliminated multi-party systems. |
| a. African leaders consistently undermine national unity to undermine political opposition. | ||
| b. African states lack national cohesion due to the colonial disruption of ethnic and linguistic affinities. | ||
| c. Africa's numerous ethnic groups maintain deep-seated hostilities that citizenship cannot overcome. | ||
| d. Colonial "divide and rule" policies and the state borders left African states with highly diverse populations that had little in common other than a joint opposition to colonial rule. |
| a. The reduction of education costs means that more girls will attend school, therefore increasing women's opportunities in society. | ||
| b. Initiatives to increase school enrollment translate into more employment opportunities for women, because most teachers in Sub-Saharan Africa are women. | ||
| c. In societies with low poverty rates, gender equity is the norm in the household and the workplace. | ||
| d. Education is the key for everyone's economic empowerment and therefore essential for men's ability to perform caretaker roles. |
| a. Sudan and Nigeria | ||
| b. Angola and Liberia | ||
| c. Rwanda and Zimbabwe | ||
| d. South Africa and Botswana |
| a. Religious freedom is widely respected throughout Africa as long as religious groups have political representation. | ||
| b. Religious freedom is respected only in states where animism is the dominant religion. | ||
| c. Religious freedom is considered to be a western concept that is irrelevant for African societies. | ||
| d. Religious freedom is guaranteed as long as worship practices do not interfere with the political administration of the state. |
| a. The politicization of ethnicity refers to the normative ideal of political representation by members of all ethnic groups in a given society. | ||
| b. Ethnicity becomes politicized when a state's ruler repeatedly "plays the ethnic card" by making reference to his/her ethnic group, thereby bolstering the significance of that group vis-Ã -vis other groups. | ||
| c. The politicization of ethnicity refers to state-sanctioned discrimination against members of a specific ethnic group. | ||
| d. The politicization of ethnicity refers to the organization of political activity along ethnic lines and the accompanying allocation of political and economic benefits based on ethnicity. |
| a. Rwanda tops the global list of states with the highest percentage of women in parliament. | ||
| b. Rwanda has an exceptionally high rate of female labor force participation. | ||
| c. Rwanda enshrined the principle of gender inequity in its constitution. | ||
| d. Rwanda is the first African state with a woman as head of state. |
| a. Women have an innate ability to prioritize needs that will result in the alleviation of abject poverty. | ||
| b. Women are instrumental for community development, because they are more likely than men to invest resources in areas that alleviate poverty such as education and health. | ||
| c. Women tend to be head of household and therefore oversee a variety of domestic responsibilities. | ||
| d. Women need to be included in political decision-making, because their approaches to decision-making tend to be more efficient and focused. |
| a. Better education opportunities for girls | ||
| b. A shift to multi-party politics | ||
| c. Greater availability of funds for organizations and programs that foster women's political agency | ||
| d. A general shift in cultural attitudes towards women's roles in society |
| a. Ethnicity is more likely to cause conflict in countries that the British colonized. | ||
| b. Ethnic identity is a driving force for violent conflicts due to the inability of ethnic groups to coexist peacefully. | ||
| c. Ethnicity does not typically cause violent conflicts; rather, the state's failure to respect ethnic diversity and minority rights creates perceived injustices and makes it easier for politicians to mobilize ethnicity as a political tool. | ||
| d. Ethnicity and conflict are not intricately ties in sub-Saharan Africa; the only intra-state conflict that was fought along ethnic lines was the Rwandan genocide in 1994. |
| a. Most African societies exhibit immense ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity. | ||
| b. Most African societies are ethnically and linguistically diverse but exhibit no religious diversity. | ||
| c. Most African societies are ethnically diverse, but the adoption of colonial languages has reduced linguistic diversity. | ||
| d. Most African societies are ethnically homogenous. |
| a. Colonial "divide and rule" policies raised the salience of ethnic identities, laying the foundation for political grievances and nationalist struggles. | ||
| b. Colonial authorities preserved ethnic-based institutions. | ||
| c. Ethnicity was irrelevant until colonial authorities required Africans to carry ethnic identification cards. | ||
| d. Colonialism did not significantly affect the salience of ethnicity in Sub-Saharan Africa. |
| a. Religion plays a minor role in African politics, because African societies and governments have embraced secularism. | ||
| b. Tensions between Christians and Muslims are a major source of political turmoil in most African states. | ||
| c. Rising religiosity and the propensity of leaders to use religious appeals have raised the political salience of religion in Africa. | ||
| d. Although most African governments are secular, African leaders sometimes make religious appeals when doing so is politically advantageous. |
| a. The divide between rich and poor has been slowly decreasing since the end of apartheid in 1994. | ||
| b. Although some blacks have joined the white elite, most South Africans continue to live in poverty. | ||
| c. The majority of South Africans are joining the middle class. | ||
| d. South Africa's upper class remains exclusively white, while the lower class is more ethnically diverse. |
| a. A growing middle class is an indication that development policies are successful, thereby legitimizing African governments. | ||
| b. A growing middle class is evidence of broader patronage distribution. | ||
| c. It is typically the middle class that engages the political process and challenges government leaders, policies, and institutions. | ||
| d. A growing middle class necessitates a shrinking upper class and therefore shrinks the pool of available public office holders. |
| a. Structural adjustment programs have failed to stimulate growth and have reduced the standard of living of many Africans. | ||
| b. Structural adjustment programs have not had the desired outcomes of reducing fiscal imbalances and stimulating economic growth but have helped control patron-client networks. C. Structural adjustment policies led to a revision of African economic policies, resulting in a significant increase in regional trade networks. | ||
| c. Structural adjustment policies increased school attendance for both boys and girls, leading to higher literacy rates throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. |
| a. Elimination of all trade barriers and hiring of European economists to run African development ministries. | ||
| b. Increase in social services spending and nationalization of essential industries. | ||
| c. Elimination of trade barriers and introduction of universal health care. | ||
| d. Deep cuts in government spending and elimination of food subsidies. |
| a. Provide heavy doses of aid as "shock therapy." | ||
| b. Provide aid only on the condition of democratization. | ||
| c. Forgive debt. | ||
| d. Withdraw diplomatic recognition from poorly performing states. |
| a. Market liberalization has flooded developing countries with cheap produce, harming local producers. | ||
| b. Globalization has introduced foreign foods into traditional African diets, resulting in widespread health problems. | ||
| c. The mass transport of goods has exacerbated global warming, reducing agricultural yields. | ||
| d. Globalization has undermined food security by distorting exchange rates. |
| a. The Human Development Index represents a composite measure of development that seeks to go beyond economic growth indicators by including social indicators such as education, standard of living, and life expectancy. | ||
| b. The Human Development Index was developed by the UNDP to provide a reference point for social development progress separate from economic development. | ||
| c. The Human Development Index was developed in response to criticism by African politicians about the consistent low ranking of African states on economic development charts. | ||
| d. The Human Development Index is a method of measuring development progress that many people find too complex. |
| a. Natural disasters such as drought | ||
| b. Violent conflicts | ||
| c. Gender inequality | ||
| d. High soil fertility |
| a. Foreign aid should be given to western NGOs that operate in African countries, as they have the expertise and trustworthiness to administer funds most effectively. | ||
| b. Donor and recipient countries should administer funds jointly and transparently in order to share responsibility for development outcomes. | ||
| c. Foreign aid donors need to bypass African governments and pursue development exclusively at the grassroots level. | ||
| d. Small-scale, village-level projects should replace comprehensive aid packages. |
| a. Geographic features such as the Sahara desert and low soil fertility | ||
| b. Demographic features such as high migration rates | ||
| c. Oral literary traditions | ||
| d. Political instability |
| a. Political instability | ||
| b. Patrimonialism | ||
| c. Colonial economic policies | ||
| d. Foreign aid |
| a. Global trade policies must be revised to favor small-scale farmers with generous aid packages. | ||
| b. Trade policies should increase access to global markets, promote foreign and domestic investment, and diversify African economies. | ||
| c. African states need to develop infrastructure, pursue regional and sub-regional trade and investment policies, and dissociate from the global markets. | ||
| d. African industries should focus on selling natural resources and channeling the revenues into other sectors. |
| a. The international community's swift intervention in the Rwandan and Darfur genocides | ||
| b. The eradication of malaria | ||
| c. National reconciliation movements that restored traditional kingdoms and power-sharing | ||
| d. The "third wave" of democratization |
| a. Development is a function of economic growth and political governance does not have any bearing on the economic sector. | ||
| b. Accountability, transparency, and inclusive decision-making are essential for good governance and hence for development. | ||
| c. A patrimonial system of government is most conducive to development. | ||
| d. Governance is essential to development insofar as all development strategies require the explicit approval of government. |
| a. Most African states maintain a highly diversified export market, which shields state revenues from market fluctuations. | ||
| b. Most African states rely on one or two products for most of their export revenues. | ||
| c. African states continue to export exclusively primary commodities such as mineral resources and agricultural products. | ||
| d. African export economies are strong, because governments have eliminated all barriers to trade. |
| a. China's provision of unconditional aid undermines democratization and government accountability. | ||
| b. China's economic activities in Africa are identical to those of European states during the colonial period. | ||
| c. China's Africa policy is self-serving and does not provide any benefit to African societies. | ||
| d. China's growing involvement in Africa has radically transformed African cultures. |
| a. African leaders borrowed as much money as they could to support their lavish lifestyles. | ||
| b. While African leaders borrowed modestly, high interest rates led to high debt. | ||
| c. African states took on large debts, because economists from the IMF assured African leaders of a huge return on these investments. | ||
| d. African states borrowed to cope with declining commodity prices and low revenues. |
| a. Agriculture is essential for food security, larger export revenues, and higher per capita incomes. | ||
| b. A healthy agricultural sector is important mainly because two thirds of Africans work in agriculture. | ||
| c. Agricultural work does not require a highly educated population and is therefore ideal for African communities with low literacy rates. | ||
| d. Africa's environment is naturally best suited for agriculture. |
| a. A strict policy of non-interference has prevented the OAU from stopping human rights violations. | ||
| b. The OAU's principle of supranationalism has discouraged African governments from resolving conflicts within their own borders. | ||
| c. The OAU's principle of territorial integrity has prevented the OAU from negotiating solutions for separatist conflicts. | ||
| d. OAU member states were careful not to criticize the policies or actions of other member states, because doing so would have undermined the Pan-Africanist ideal. |
| a. The end of the Cold War reduced bilateral aid, weakening African states' ability to suppress rebellion. | ||
| b. The end of the Cold War greatly reduced armed conflicts in Africa by ending proxy wars. | ||
| c. The end of the Cold War brought about intense competition for Africa's natural resources, which often resulted in armed conflict. | ||
| d. The end of the Cold War lifted constraints on border disputes, increasing the rate of conflict. |
| a. The principle of state sovereignty is enshrined in the UN Charter, and many UN member states oppose violating it. | ||
| b. There is an inherent tension between state sovereignty and humanitarian intervention. | ||
| c. State sovereignty did not feature in the discussions about the appropriate response to the genocide. | ||
| d. The UN's African member states rejected any forceful intervention in Rwanda and insisted on a diplomatic course of action. |
| a. Sierra Leone | ||
| b. Rwanda | ||
| c. Zimbabwe | ||
| d. Angola |
| a. An initiative to increase every country's growth by ten percent within twenty years | ||
| b. Eight goals to reduce poverty and hunger and to improve health, education, gender equality, and the environment | ||
| c. A set of objectives ranging from space travel to advances in molecular science | ||
| d. A joint program of the African Union and the European Union to decrease migration from Africa to Europe |
| a. To monitor Africa's development indicators and alert the UN Security Council if they fall below a certain level | ||
| b. To improve the economic development of member states, promote international cooperation for African development, and cultivate regional integration within Africa | ||
| c. To serve as an intermediary among the AU, NEPAD, and the UNDP to ensure that development efforts are complementary | ||
| d. To promote the north-south alliance by securing favorable terms for African states in international trade agreements |
| a. Economic underdevelopment is the sole reason for frequent violent conflict in Africa. | ||
| b. Armed conflict undermines economic development. | ||
| c. African countries are susceptible to the "conflict trap," whereby conflict impedes growth and low growth increases the risk of conflict. | ||
| d. Violent conflict occurs exclusively in isolated areas with extremely low population densities. |
| a. The OAU and the AU are parallel regional organizations that have virtually identical membership. | ||
| b. The OAU and the AU are two IGOs with different sets of priorities: the former is concerned with the fulfillment of Pan-Africanist ideals, while the latter focuses on development. | ||
| c. The AU was formed in 2002 to replace the OAU and reflect a new vision of regional integration and cooperation. | ||
| d. The AU was formed in 2002 as a virtual IGO with the objective of 'testing' African integration with the possibility of eventually replacing the OAU. |
| a. Pan-Africanism was a political movement that became irrelevant after decolonization. | ||
| b. Practical concerns about economic cooperation have replaced the idealist principles of Pan-Africanism. | ||
| c. While Pan-Africanism once provided the leaders of newly independent states with a vital diplomatic network, it is now less important. | ||
| d. The Pan-Africanist ideal of political and cultural solidarity continues to drive regional integration efforts in Africa. |
| a. Rape and well-articulated rebel demands | ||
| b. Refugee soldiers and heavy artillery | ||
| c. Child soldiers and religious tension | ||
| d. Child soldiers and conflict minerals |
| a. The Cold War | ||
| b. The Spread of HIV/AIDS | ||
| c. The Anglicization of global political discourse | ||
| d. The Arab-Israeli conflict |
| a. Providing food aid to drought-affected areas | ||
| b. Establishing and administering refugee camps | ||
| c. Negotiating for better treatment of prisoners in overcrowded and underfunded prisons | ||
| d. Providing medical expertise and supplies to cholera-affected areas |
| a. Against the commanding general's advice, the UN Security Council ordered the withdrawal of peacekeeping forces. | ||
| b. Disagreement among UN members delayed any response. | ||
| c. The UN did not respond to the genocide, because it had agreed to cease peacekeeping operations in Africa after the Somalia controversy of 1991. | ||
| d. The UN Security Council unanimously passed a resolution calling for the immediate deployment of a peacekeeping force with a mandate to stop the killing. |
| a. The OAU and now the AU favor political and economic integration at the continent level and actively undermine such efforts at the sub-regional level. | ||
| b. Nationalist rivalries, a lack of public support, and bad governance all forestall sub-regional integration. | ||
| c. ECOWAS and SADC have overcome the challenges to sub-regional integration by adopting supranational policies that enjoy full compliance from their respective member states. |
| a. African governments benefitted greatly from the rivalry between the US and the USSR, as they were able to exchange political loyalty for aid. | ||
| b. The Cold War destabilized newly independent states through heavy intervention in domestic politics. | ||
| c. The Cold War weakened opposition movements by channeling aid to African governments. | ||
| d. The US and USSR blocked African governments from forming regional and cross-regional alliances. |
| a. South Africa's apartheid policy institutionalized segregation, inequality, and civil rights violations. | ||
| b. With most African states gaining independence and UN membership in the 1960s, opposing apartheid fit with the UN's goal of promoting self-determination across the continent. | ||
| c. South Africa's regional economic dominance threatened development in neighboring countries. | ||
| d. South Africa's apartheid policy galvanized the international community mainly because of "shoot to kill" orders targeted at children. |
| a. Refugees and military incursions from Rwanda and Uganda, in conjunction with the Congolese rebellion and change in leadership, gave rise to a complicated set of alliances and animosities. | ||
| b. Several African states sent troops to the DRC to take advantage of the leadership vacuum created by Mobutu's ouster and to gain control over the DRC's rich natural resources. | ||
| c. After Mobutu's ouster in 1997 and the ensuing chaos, African states sent troops to stabilize the country. | ||
| d. African states sent military troops as part of the OAU-mandated peacekeeping mission. |
| a. African leaders should promote local and regional human rights norms that emphasize individual over collective rights. | ||
| b. Western NGOs need to be more involved in changing human rights norms in African communities. | ||
| c. The people of Africa need to work with international human rights organizations to bypass corrupt political leadership. | ||
| d. African states need to honor their obligations as outlined in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. |
| a. The Green Belt Movement is a global NGO headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland that plants trees to counteract deforestation. | ||
| b. The Green Belt Movement is a Kenyan NGO that attempts to create a single, continuous path of trees-the green belt-stretching through every African country. | ||
| c. The Green Belt Movement is an NGO based in Kenya that promotes respect for human rights and good governance through the protection of the environment and the empowerment of women. | ||
| d. The Green Belt Movement is an AU-sponsored regional initiative to offset the negative ramifications of environmental change. |
| a. Urbanization accelerates deforestation as people clear forests for settlements. | ||
| b. The leading causes of deforestation include conversion of forests into agricultural land, fuel wood consumption, and commercial logging; policies for reversing deforestation must take these causes into account. | ||
| c. There is an inherent tradeoff between development and forest preservation, because Africa's predominantly agricultural economies can only thrive by clearing land for crop production. | ||
| d. NGOs often intervene in African countries to ensure environmental protection. |
| a. Its explicit inclusion of collective rights. | ||
| b. Its exclusive inclusion of political rights. | ||
| c. Its non-legally binding character. | ||
| d. Its unusual interpretation of economic rights. |
| a. Western Africa | ||
| b. Central Africa | ||
| c. Eastern Africa | ||
| d. Southern Africa |
| a. Kenya | ||
| b. Benin | ||
| c. Botswana | ||
| d. Nigeria |
| a. Streamlining decision-making procedures to increase the ability of state and regional actors to respond quickly and effectively to conflict situations | ||
| b. Strengthening local militia forces to provide a readily available military resource | ||
| c. Assisting local village leaders with the disarmament of rebel forces | ||
| d. Compensating communities for the environmental degradation caused by the exploitation of natural resources |
| a. The inclusion of collective rights undermines human rights discourse on the global level. | ||
| b. The Charter has little popular support, because it omits individual duties. | ||
| c. The Charter's clawback clauses arguably subordinate human rights provisions to national legislation. | ||
| d. The Charter's attempt to ground human rights in African values and traditions is based on the flawed premise that African societies appreciate the notion of human rights. |
| a. Declining literacy rates | ||
| b. Declining infant mortality rates | ||
| c. Better food security | ||
| d. Rising unemployment rates |
| a. The AU launched a program to replace all national leaders in the Great Lakes region with ones that are more dedicated to peace. | ||
| b. Civil society organizations, through their joint Rebel Buyout program, are attempting to lure fighters away from the rebel groups and provide them with alternative jobs. | ||
| c. The UN and the AU are considering the viability of redrawing the borders within the region to coincide with ethnic groups. | ||
| d. The Regional Initiative on Natural Resources, in conjunction with various international partners, aims to stop natural resources from financing armed conflict. |
| a. The social pluralism of African societies is antithetical to democracy. | ||
| b. African societies' cultural orientation toward communalism and consensus building is incompatible with individualistic and deliberative democracy. | ||
| c. Africa's low level of economic development is impeding democratization efforts. | ||
| d. The conceptual underpinnings of democracy are at odds with traditional African belief systems. |
| a. In the early decades of independence, African leaders tended to leave office through coups; in the past two decades, term limits and competitive elections are more common. | ||
| b. There were no leadership changes until the 1980s, when African states began holding elections. | ||
| c. In the early decades of independence, national assemblies chose heads of state; only later did elections become common. | ||
| d. African states have selected leaders through elections since independence. |
| a. African environmental problems, such as desertification and erosion, have primarily natural causes that exemplify the continent's harsh living environments. | ||
| b. Deforestation, desertification, and water pollution result from both domestic and global human activity and have serious ramifications for economic development. | ||
| c. African environmental problems primarily result from the mining and forestry sectors, demonstrating the inherent tension between environmentalism and development. | ||
| d. African environmental problems stem mainly from industrial pollution in other parts of the world. |
| a. The deliberate targeting of civilians in conflict zones results in countless rapes, murders, and mutilations. | ||
| b. The police succumb to government pressure to violate human rights. | ||
| c. Many African states uphold discriminatory laws that violate the rights of women, refugees, and homosexuals. | ||
| d. Human rights violations sometimes occur at cross-border checkpoints that African states use to fight drug trafficking. |
| a. HIV/AIDS complicates policies related to health care, labor, education, and child welfare. | ||
| b. HIV/AIDS exemplifies the capacity of African governments to diligently and efficiently engage in political decision-making. | ||
| c. HIV/AIDS has galvanized political action by the elite and therefore has reduced ethnic conflict. | ||
| d. HIV/AIDS has invited political intervention from former colonial powers. |
| a. South Africa has a long history of peaceful and successful political activism and could use its expertise to help resolve conflicts throughout the continent. | ||
| b. South Africa's transition from apartheid to multi-party democracy serves as an example for successful democratization that other states could follow. | ||
| c. South Africa serves as an example in both economic development and political reconciliation. | ||
| d. South Africa is expected to receive a permanent seat on the UN Security Council in the near future. |
| a. A new period in African history marked by a revitalization of artistic traditions | ||
| b. A political movement that seeks to reinvigorate African agency and to end Africa's poverty and marginalization | ||
| c. An umbrella term used in the West to describe African development initiatives | ||
| d. A term that Nelson Mandela popularized after the end of apartheid |
| a. An agenda for depoliticizing economic development projects | ||
| b. A joint development framework by the World Bank and the IMF | ||
| c. A pan-African development framework that the AU developed in 2002 | ||
| d. An IGO for expediting development projects by bypassing the AU |
| a. Thabo Mbeki | ||
| b. Kenneth Kaunda | ||
| c. Abdoulaye Wade | ||
| d. Raila Odinga |
| a. Mozambique | ||
| b. Angola | ||
| c. Nigeria | ||
| d. Central African Republic |
| a. Industrialization and competitiveness in global markets | ||
| b. Overcoming food insecurity | ||
| c. Quality of governance and leadership | ||
| d. The promotion of human rights |
| a. Many African democracies have undergone coups and reverted to authoritarianism. | ||
| b. Unconditional economic aid from China has reduced the incentive for African governments to democratize. | ||
| c. Traditional beliefs like witchcraft continue to clash with democratic values. | ||
| d. The HIV/AIDS crisis has undermined regional and sub-regional development efforts. |
| a. Increased political stability | ||
| b. The elimination of ethnic loyalties in favor of strong nationalistic ties | ||
| c. Investment in infrastructure | ||
| d. Progress in education and health services |
| a. DeBeers, and not Botswana's government, managed diamond revenues. | ||
| b. Botswana's society is ethnically and linguistically homogenous and thus avoids the tensions associated with social pluralism. | ||
| c. Botswana's democracy is founded on preexisting traditions like consultation and respect for the law. | ||
| d. Botswana's successes in political and economic development are a direct consequence of its proximity to South Africa and its preservation of intimate ties with the United Kingdom. |
| a. Senegal's severing of formal military ties with France | ||
| b. Senegal's large bronze statue marking 50 years of independence | ||
| c. Senegal's frequent constitutional revisions | ||
| d. Senegal's eradication of corruption |
| a. Africa will have very little control in the shaping of its own future; international actors such as China and Brazil will be more influential. | ||
| b. The five permanent members of the UN Security Council will continue to marginalize Africa. | ||
| c. Africa's future depends on the international community's response to climate change. | ||
| d. In a globalized world, Africa's future will depend in part on internal factors and in part on the actions of non-African countries and organizations. |
| a. South Africa has led the protection of human rights around the world. | ||
| b. Despite criticizing repressive governments, South Africa has maintained diplomatic relations with some governments that violate human rights. | ||
| c. South Africa has largely isolated itself from foreign affairs. | ||
| d. South Africa has drawn criticism from other African countries for trying to dominate regional politics. |
| a. NEPAD's close association with northern industrialized states undermined its autonomy. | ||
| b. Some African governments viewed NEPAD as a way for South Africa to exert hegemony. | ||
| c. Members of the business class believed that NEPAD's emphasis on political stability was inimical to economic growth. | ||
| d. Some members of African civil society were upset about not being involved in the planning and implementation of NEPAD. |