|
a. American citizens |
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b. British citizens |
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c. New York citizens |
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d. Attendees of the Constitutional Convention |
|
a. A president should have a strong vice president to provide advice. |
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b. Our new government must have a system of checks and balances. |
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|
c. The Senate should have 100 members. |
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|
d. Presidents should serve a term of four years. |
|
a. The presidential cabinet |
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|
b. The vice president as president of the Senate |
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|
c. Presidential appointments |
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|
d. The president’s role as commander in chief |
|
a. The Electoral College is a good idea, because small states receive a disproportionately large representation. |
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|
b. Members of the Electoral College will have more information and therefore will be more capable of selecting the president than their fellow citizens. |
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|
c. Members of the Electoral College are more likely to select a president who is virtuous and non-corrupt than the general public. |
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|
d. Although the public does not directly elect the president, they still indirectly choose the president by voting on the members of the Electoral College. |
|
a. A single president is easier to elect. |
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|
b. Multiple presidents would have too much power. |
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|
c. Multiple presidents are subject to differing opinions, which is especially dangerous in times of emergency when quick action is required. |
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|
d. Multiple presidents would be harder to convince to step down at the end of their terms. |
|
a. The term is too short for power to be wielded effectively. |
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|
b. The term is too long for a single person to sustain the duties assigned to him as president. |
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|
c. The term is too short, because the country will be constantly subject to presidential elections. |
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|
d. The term is too long for someone endowed with such power to be trusted to relinquish it. |
|
a. The power to declare war on other nations |
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|
b. The power to act as commander in chief of the military |
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|
c. The power to nominate Supreme Court judges |
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|
d. The power to nominate US ambassadors |
|
a. all Pentagon activities. |
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|
b. the federal judiciary. |
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|
c. his party’s effort to craft new legislative initiatives. |
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|
d. the implementation of laws. |
|
a. executive privilege. |
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|
b. line-item veto. |
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|
c. executive order. |
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|
d. executive prerogative. |
|
a. Chief executive |
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|
b. Political party leader |
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|
c. Commander in chief |
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|
d. President pro tempore |
|
a. A surprisingly independent executive bureaucracy |
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|
b. Partisan opposition in the Senate to presidential appointees |
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|
c. Judicial review of presidential appointees |
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|
d. A more critical media |
|
a. Presidential nomination of Supreme Court justices |
||
|
b. The increasingly polarized two-party system |
||
|
c. The expansion of the executive branch |
||
|
d. The constitutional indeterminacy of the presidency |
|
a. Woodrow Wilson |
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|
b. William McKinley |
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|
c. Theodore Roosevelt |
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|
d. Herbert Hoover |
|
a. Give the president the ability to unilaterally sign treaties with other countries |
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|
b. Make the president the “sole organ” who was in charge of foreign affairs |
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|
c. Give most of the responsibility over foreign policy to the legislative branch |
||
|
d. Give the president the ability to declare war without consent from Congress |
|
a. He made significant contributions to the development and growth of the presidency outside of a period of polarizing conflict or war. |
||
|
b. He had military experience, meaning Congress was more willing to grant him power over foreign policy. |
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|
c. He was not afraid of public speaking and was the first president to deliver the State of the Union address in person. |
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|
d. He used the vice president’s constitutional role as president of the Senate to his advantage. |
|
a. by the president alone. |
||
|
b. by the majority party in Congress. |
||
|
c. by a large number of actors in the executive and legislative branches of government. |
||
|
d. by members of the federal government and special interest groups. |
|
a. Declaring war on a foreign country |
||
|
b. Negotiating foreign treaties and executive agreements |
||
|
c. Proposing foreign policy legislation |
||
|
d. Responding to foreign events |
|
a. National Security Council. |
||
|
b. Department of State. |
||
|
c. Department of Defense. |
||
|
d. Central Intelligence Agency. |
|
a. The vice president |
||
|
b. The national security advisor |
||
|
c. The White House director of communications |
||
|
d. The director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation |
|
a. the legislative branch has more foreign policy power than the executive branch. |
||
|
b. US foreign policy will always be flawed because of the separation of powers and checks and balances established in the Constitution. |
||
|
c. the executive branch has more foreign policy power than the legislative branch. |
||
|
d. both the executive and legislative branches of the federal government play a role in foreign policy development. |
|
a. only the Supreme Court can make this determination. |
||
|
b. it depends upon how the foreign policy process plays out for any given situation. |
||
|
c. the Constitution is ambiguous about foreign policy powers. |
||
|
d. the state department is part of both the executive and legislative branches of government. |
|
a. All America presidents can be trusted to use this power responsibly. |
||
|
b. Congress cannot be trusted to use this power responsibly. |
||
|
c. The Supreme Court has specifically authorized presidents to exercise this power. |
||
|
d. Congress’s only constitutional check on a president’s war powers is the power to control the funding of the military. |
|
a. send troops into combat for up to 60 days, unless Congress votes to approve the action. |
||
|
b. send troops into combat for an unlimited amount of time, if US national security is at stake. |
||
|
c. only send troops into combat if Congress votes to approve the action. |
||
|
d. never send troops into combat without congressional approval. |
|
a. If information gaps exist in a policy, then the policy is flawed. |
||
|
b. If information gaps exist in a policy, then it is essential to calculate the risk associated with those gaps. |
||
|
c. All information gaps must be closed to formulate effective foreign policy. |
||
|
d. Because all information gaps lead to assumptions, they equally decrease the legitimacy of a foreign policy. |
|
a. The president |
||
|
b. The Office of Management and Budget (OMB) |
||
|
c. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) |
||
|
d. The intelligence community |
|
a. All government institutions are naturally corrupt. |
||
|
b. Secrecy is the only way for government institutions to function. |
||
|
c. Secrecy lends legitimacy to government institutions. |
||
|
d. Secrecy enables power. |
|
a. It subjected all surveillance to the Supreme Court’s oversight. |
||
|
b. It outlawed all secret surveillance. |
||
|
c. It made the practice clearly legal. |
||
|
d. It forced the executive branch to be transparent about all foreign surveillance. |
|
a. interventionist. |
||
|
b. belligerent. |
||
|
c. imperialistic. |
||
|
d. isolationist. |
|
a. Native American attacks in the West. |
||
|
b. slave uprising in the southern states. |
||
|
c. European intervention in North America. |
||
|
d. conflict between England and France. |
|
a. It led to an interventionist and imperialistic foreign policy. |
||
|
b. It led to a re-emergence of US isolationist foreign policy. |
||
|
c. It caused regional insecurity that would dominate US foreign policy for over a century. |
||
|
d. It caused the US to abandon territory in the southern and western parts of North America. |
|
a. The Treaty of Versailles |
||
|
b. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization |
||
|
c. The United Nations |
||
|
d. The League of Nations |
|
a. The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff |
||
|
b. The secretary of state |
||
|
c. The vice president |
||
|
d. The director of the Central Intelligence Agency |
|
a. The Central Intelligence Agency |
||
|
b. The National Security Agency |
||
|
c. The Department of Homeland Security |
||
|
d. The Department of Defense |
|
a. Congress |
||
|
b. The Supreme Court |
||
|
c. The Central Intelligence Agency |
||
|
d. The Department of Homeland Security |
|
a. the vice president. |
||
|
b. the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. |
||
|
c. the national security advisor. |
||
|
d. the director of central intelligence. |
|
a. The rise of China |
||
|
b. The end of the Cold War |
||
|
c. The war on terror |
||
|
d. The advent of globalization and interdependence |
|
a. Diplomacy is the least costly option. |
||
|
b. Diplomacy is always the most effective option to prevent conflict. |
||
|
c. Diplomacy is usually more strategically viable than military options. |
||
|
d. Engaging in diplomacy with the hopes of preventing conflict adheres to US values. |
|
a. The removal of combat troops from Iraq |
||
|
b. Setting a deadline for the removal of combat troops from Afghanistan |
||
|
c. Entering into a military conflict in Libya |
||
|
d. Using torture as an intelligence-gathering tool |
|
a. An increased military presence in the Middle East |
||
|
b. The New START Treaty with Russia |
||
|
c. Ending the war in Iraq |
||
|
d. Unprecedented economic sanctions on Iran |
|
a. He consolidated domestic national security power more than any previous president. |
||
|
b. He vastly increased the budget for the US military. |
||
|
c. The US was immensely more powerful at the end of the Cold War. |
||
|
d. Congress gave President George H. W. Bush more power than any other president. |
|
a. a catastrophic failure, due to incompetent leadership. |
||
|
b. a demonstration of the weakness of the presidency relative to military commanders. |
||
|
c. a successful example of strategic diplomacy from a position of strength. |
||
|
d. a demonstration of the impotence of strategic diplomacy. |
|
a. It is not an implied power of the executive branch. |
||
|
b. It violates the separation of powers. |
||
|
c. It gives the president too little power over legislative policy. |
||
|
d. It impinges upon the Supreme Court’s judicial review power. |
|
a. congressional investigation. |
||
|
b. impounding funds. |
||
|
c. congressional oversight. |
||
|
d. the legislative veto. |
|
a. The different constituencies have gridlocked Washington, DC, to the point of getting nothing done. |
||
|
b. The results of elections across each constituency are actually similar, which facilitates the passage of legislation. |
||
|
c. The representation in the Senate is a violation of the Supreme Court’s “one person, one vote” doctrine, unlike the House. |
||
|
d. It is rare that the House, Senate, and president all agree on policy, because they have different constituencies, which is also why the Supreme Court nomination process takes so long. |
|
a. There is little support for constitutional reform when it comes to representation. |
||
|
b. A majority of Americans highly support abolishing the Senate and replacing it with another House of Representatives. |
||
|
c. A majority of Americans would prefer if members of Congress would elect the president from within the Senate or the House. |
||
|
d. Most Americans are tired of partisan politics and would prefer if a third party won the presidency. |
|
a. Presidents have no problem convincing members of their own party to support them. |
||
|
b. Just because the president and the majority in Congress are of the same party does not mean Congress will always support the president’s initiatives. |
||
|
c. Presidents should not try to establish friendships with members of Congress, as doing so puts presidents at risk of political betrayal. |
||
|
d. Congress defers to the president on Supreme Court nominees regardless of their constitutional obligation to provide “advice and consent.” |
|
a. To vote on the president’s nominees, providing 60 “yes” votes to overcome any potential filibuster |
||
|
b. To provide advice and consent to the president |
||
|
c. To take a vote in the judiciary committee followed by a vote on the floor for the president’s nominees |
||
|
d. The Senate can select its own nominee if a majority does not like the president’s nominee |
|
a. It involves congressional appointment of a nominee, without presidential involvement. |
||
|
b. It involves tension between the Senate and the president because both must approve of a nominee. |
||
|
c. It allows the Senate to approve of a nominee during a congressional recess, without the advice and consent of the House of Representatives. |
||
|
d. It allows the president to appoint a nominee during a congressional recess, without the advice and consent of the Senate. |
|
a. William Clinton |
||
|
b. George W. Bush |
||
|
c. Gerald Ford |
||
|
d. Dwight Eisenhower |
|
a. a presidential order. |
||
|
b. a gentleman’s agreement. |
||
|
c. an executive order. |
||
|
d. an executive agreement. |
|
a. The principle of limited government |
||
|
b. The principle of the separation of powers |
||
|
c. The principle of transparency |
||
|
d. The principle of congressional oversight |
|
a. By the Supreme Court |
||
|
b. By the executive branch eventually turning over the evidence requested by Congress |
||
|
c. By Congress eventually withdrawing its request for the evidence |
||
|
d. By some compromise between the executive branch and Congress |
|
a. The foreign-domestic divide in intelligence gathering |
||
|
b. The Patriot Act |
||
|
c. The authorized use of torture by the intelligence community |
||
|
d. The creation of the Department of Homeland Security |
|
a. Impeachment is an important component of our separation of powers system. |
||
|
b. Impeachment is unconstitutional. |
||
|
c. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court should not be responsible for presiding over the president’s impeachment trial. |
||
|
d. Impeachments have been overused in our history. |
|
a. Chief executive powers |
||
|
b. Legislative powers |
||
|
c. Agenda-setting powers |
||
|
d. Implied constitutional powers |
|
a. The resources available |
||
|
b. The number of citizens affected |
||
|
c. The power of the agenda-setter |
||
|
d. The intensity of the issue |
|
a. saving US capitalism from collapse. |
||
|
b. revitalizing the US military. |
||
|
c. pushing Congress and the Supreme Court to end segregation. |
||
|
d. supporting the labor movement in an effort to increase wages and working conditions. |
|
a. ending poverty. |
||
|
b. racial justice. |
||
|
c. consumer protection. |
||
|
d. gender equality. |
|
a. protect the environment from damaging resource gathering. |
||
|
b. reduce the size of the federal government. |
||
|
c. sustain the civil rights progress made in previous administrations. |
||
|
d. overturn Roe v. Wade. |
|
a. aid to state governments. |
||
|
b. the creation of new public sector jobs. |
||
|
c. middle-class tax cuts. |
||
|
d. investment in infrastructure. |
|
a. The president can fire whomever he wants, whenever he wants. |
||
|
b. The president is commander in chief and has a right to blockade ports as a method of waging war. |
||
|
c. The court was wrong in its decision in Myers v. United States (1926), and in this case decided that the president should not be allowed to fire anyone. |
||
|
d. The president can fire some members of the executive branch but cannot fire workers in quasi-legislative positions. |
|
a. was correct to fire the city of Youngstown’s steel mill workers. |
||
|
b. exceeded his executive power by trying to seize the steel companies. |
||
|
c. should have created an executive agency to regulate the steel mills. |
||
|
d. asked too much of steel workers during World War II. |
|
a. The president does not have the right to fire the head of the INS. |
||
|
b. The legislative veto is unconstitutional. |
||
|
c. Enemy combatants at Guantanamo Bay are entitled to due process. |
||
|
d. Presidents cannot use the line-item veto, because it is unconstitutional. |
|
a. President Clinton’s use of the line-item veto was unconstitutional. |
||
|
b. Having an independent counsel to investigate the executive branch did not violate the separation of powers. |
||
|
c. Sitting presidents are not immune from civil suits. |
||
|
d. The legislative veto is unconstitutional. |
|
a. The president has the power to conduct foreign affairs on behalf of the United States. |
||
|
b. The president has the power to fire members of the executive branch. |
||
|
c. The president has the power to appoint Supreme Court justices. |
||
|
d. The president must be deferent to Congress in establishing foreign policy during times of war. |
|
a. Prize Cases (1863) |
||
|
b. United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp. (1936) |
||
|
c. Dames and Moore v. Regan (1981) |
||
|
d. Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (2006) |
|
a. unconstitutionally suspended habeas corpus. |
||
|
b. could take over the courts to try Southerners as necessary. |
||
|
c. had the right to blockade southern ports as commander in chief. |
||
|
d. should declare war on the South. |
|
a. Japanese-Americans should all be freed immediately from World War II internment camps. |
||
|
b. Internment camps are unconstitutional. |
||
|
c. The need to prevent espionage was more important than the civil rights of the Japanese-Americans who were interned during the war. |
||
|
d. President Roosevelt violated habeas corpus by interning Japanese-Americans. |
|
a. Sitting presidents can be held liable for civil suits while in office. |
||
|
b. The actions of the president surrounding the Watergate scandal were unconstitutional, and therefore, President Nixon had to resign immediately. |
||
|
c. Although executive privilege exists, it did not apply to the Watergate tapes. |
||
|
d. President Nixon’s use of the line-item veto was unconstitutional. |
|
a. The president has to consult Congress before firing postmasters. |
||
|
b. The president has the implicit power to fire people without congressional consent. |
||
|
c. Presidential decisions to fire government employees should be subjected to a vote in Congress. |
||
|
d. Presidents should no longer be allowed to appoint or fire postmasters. |
|
a. President Bush was attempting to free the prisoners, but the court did not allow it. |
||
|
b. The court ruled that Secretary Rumsfeld should no longer be the secretary of defense. |
||
|
c. The court ruled that the war in Iraq was unconstitutional. |
||
|
d. The court issued a number of opinions striking down the administration’s policies regarding the rights of enemy combatants. |
|
a. Presidents almost always appoint federal judges of the same party orientation. |
||
|
b. Judges rarely identify their political party affiliation, to avoid the appearance of bias. |
||
|
c. Presidents try to appoint an equal number of judges from their own party and the opposition party. |
||
|
d. The Supreme Court has ruled that it is unconstitutional to consider political party affiliations when nominating federal judges. |
|
a. Presidents are not ideologically motivated. |
||
|
b. Presidents often trade easy confirmations for other legislation that they want made into law. |
||
|
c. Presidents recognize that long confirmation battles decrease the time and capital for other desired legislation. |
||
|
d. Presidents usually lose the public perception fight in a Supreme Court confirmation struggle with Congress. |
|
a. Signing statements |
||
|
b. The veto |
||
|
c. Executive agreements |
||
|
d. Executive orders |
|
a. an executive order. |
||
|
b. an executive agreement. |
||
|
c. a signing statement. |
||
|
d. a statement of reservation. |
|
a. Modern vice presidents actually have a chance at becoming president if the president dies. |
||
|
b. Modern vice presidents are sometimes of a different party than the president. |
||
|
c. Modern vice presidents have offices in the Capitol building, as opposed to their predecessors who were housed in the White House. |
||
|
d. Modern vice presidents rarely are involved with the Senate, while early vice presidents were more directly involved. |
|
a. World War I |
||
|
b. The New Deal and Great Depression |
||
|
c. The post-September 11th era |
||
|
d. The Industrial Revolution |
|
a. They are established through an executive order by the president. |
||
|
b. They are created by Congress. |
||
|
c. They are created through approval of all existing cabinet members. |
||
|
d. The president can create them without official action, creating a new agency and appointing a leader, who will then appoint his or her subordinates. |
|
a. Cabinet secretaries, once appointed to office, spend too much time in their home states. |
||
|
b. Cabinet secretaries put departmental goals ahead of the president’s goals. |
||
|
c. In order to prove loyalty to the president, the secretary will fail to prioritize the department’s main goals and will focus too much on the president’s agenda. |
||
|
d. Cabinet secretaries resign and retire after a short period in office, since running a cabinet agency can be too overwhelming, and individuals can only do the job effectively for a short time. |
|
a. The hub-and-spoke model |
||
|
b. A circular structure |
||
|
c. The pyramid model |
||
|
d. An ad hoc structure |
|
a. To create the president’s schedule |
||
|
b. To review proposed regulations from various areas of the executive branch |
||
|
c. To manage the president’s White House staff |
||
|
d. To appropriate funds to various executive agencies after their budgets are approved |
|
a. Executive agency |
||
|
b. Regulatory agency |
||
|
c. Government corporations |
||
|
d. White House office |
|
a. An executive order |
||
|
b. A court ruling |
||
|
c. A retraction of the rule by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) |
||
|
d. The implementation of a counter-rule by a different regulatory agency |
|
a. Government corporations |
||
|
b. Independent executive agencies |
||
|
c. Regulatory agencies |
||
|
d. Cabinet agencies |
|
a. There is a run-off election, and the winner is based on the popular vote. |
||
|
b. The state legislatures replace the current Electoral College members with new members. |
||
|
c. The nine justices on the Supreme Court vote. |
||
|
d. The House of Representatives votes. |
|
a. They thought the general public lacked the knowledge necessary to make the right decision about who should become president. |
||
|
b. They were interested in serving on the Electoral College themselves. |
||
|
c. They wanted to ensure the president was always selected in Philadelphia, which is where the Constitutional Convention was held. |
||
|
d. There were concerns that the British would interfere with popular elections. |
|
a. It gave the presidency to George W. Bush because some electors voted contrary to their respective state’s popular vote. |
||
|
b. It never has and probably never will play a role in the outcome of an election. |
||
|
c. It gave the presidency to George W. Bush, despite the fact that he lost the overall popular vote. |
||
|
d. It gave the presidency to George W. Bush because of the disproportionate influence that the larger states have over the smaller states. |
|
a. Members of the Electoral College are required to vote for one of the two major party candidates. |
||
|
b. States each have different requirements to get on the ballot. |
||
|
c. Independents and third parties have to gain a certain amount of support to get on the ballot in many states. |
||
|
d. The winner-take-all system that most states have for assigning their electors is detrimental to third parties. |
|
a. Only registered party members are allowed to vote. |
||
|
b. Any person is allowed to vote so long as they are registered with either party. |
||
|
c. Primary voters are limited to those who worked on campaigns. |
||
|
d. Candidates are all listed on a single ballot, regardless of which party they belong to. |
|
a. Caucuses are more expensive than primaries. |
||
|
b. Caucuses are too tightly controlled by party elites, causing support to shift to primaries. |
||
|
c. Third-party candidates are becoming more viable under the caucus system. |
||
|
d. Closed primaries produce more extreme candidates, which states prefer. |
|
a. They often have better name recognition than their opponents. |
||
|
b. They often gain momentum leading up to the elections by going through their party’s primaries. |
||
|
c. Presidents essentially have free publicity that comes with the office. |
||
|
d. Presidents have the opportunity to claim credit for positive legislation that happened during their previous term. |
|
a. Gay marriage |
||
|
b. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan |
||
|
c. Education reform |
||
|
d. The economy |
|
a. Keep his public approval numbers up |
||
|
b. Go public |
||
|
c. Use his personality to his advantage |
||
|
d. Persuade others to do what he wants |
|
a. Professional reputation directly affects how the public views the president. |
||
|
b. Professional reputation affects how others will anticipate and react to the president, putting him in either a weak position or a strong position to begin with when bargaining. |
||
|
c. Presidents with a strong professional reputation have a hard time convincing others, because they are so intimidated by him. |
||
|
d. None of these choices |
|
a. Most presidents have similar institutional power, but vary widely on how effectively they wield that power. |
||
|
b. Success is generally measured by style and not substance. |
||
|
c. Institutional power varies so widely among presidents that the only way to measure their success is through a common variable, such as leadership style. |
||
|
d. Leadership style is usually why a president is elected in the first place. |
|
a. When his party holds a majority in Congress |
||
|
b. When he has the highest public approval |
||
|
c. When he and his vice president are united on policy issues |
||
|
d. When he has been in office for several years |
|
a. his experience working with members of Congress. |
||
|
b. whether he is a Washington insider or outsider. |
||
|
c. psychological factors. |
||
|
d. his professional reputation. |
|
a. The enjoyment the president gets from the job and from political life |
||
|
b. How the president interacts with other Washingtonians |
||
|
c. How much energy presidents invest into their job |
||
|
d. The way the public views the president’s energy level |
|
a. Passive-positive |
||
|
b. Passive-negative |
||
|
c. Active-negative |
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d. Active-positive |
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a. A president’s power to persuade the public can change political and institutional dynamics. |
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b. Most people respond to style over substance. |
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c. Rhetoric allows a president to distort reality. |
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d. The opposing political party might respond to an eloquent speech. |