a. They apply to the federal government and evenly across states. | ||
b. They apply only to the federal government. | ||
c. They apply to the federal government and states, but unevenly across states. | ||
d. They apply primarily to states. |
a. Civil liberties protect citizens from the government, and civil rights describe government's responsibility to protect citizens. | ||
b. Civil rights protect citizens from the government, and civil liberties describe government's responsibility to protect citizens. | ||
c. The terms can be used interchangeably. | ||
d. Civil liberties protect citizens from the federal government, and civil rights protect citizens from state governments. |
a. Individual rights and freedoms that the government may not infringe on. | ||
b. Group rights and freedoms that the government may not infringe on. | ||
c. The laws that states provide to ensure the protection of its citizens. | ||
d. Laws that provide for the welfare of citizens. |
a. Privileges afforded to African Americans by state governments. | ||
b. Protections against discrimination that focus on equal access to society and political life. | ||
c. Protections against abuses of power from the federal government. | ||
d. Protections against abuses of power from the federal and state governments. |
a. It is the principle that allows Congress to decide if court decisions are constitutional. | ||
b. It is the principle that allows the president to decide if court decisions are constitutional. | ||
c. It is the principle that allows the president to decide if congressional decisions are constitutional. | ||
d. It is the principle that allows the court to decide if congressional decisions are constitutional. |
a. It allowed the court to use the Fourteenth Amendment to incorporate the protections afforded to citizens by the Bill of Rights to actions by the Federal government. | ||
b. It allowed the court to use the Fourteenth Amendment to incorporate the protections afforded to citizens by the Bill of Rights to actions by state and local governments. | ||
c. It allowed the court to use the Sixteenth Amendment to incorporate the protections afforded to citizens by the Bill of Rights to actions by state and local governments. | ||
d. It allowed the court to use the Fifteenth Amendment to incorporate the protections afforded to citizens by the Bill of Rights to actions by state and local governments. |
a. Marbury v. Madison | ||
b. Dred Scott v. Sanford | ||
c. Plessy v. Ferguson | ||
d. It was actually established in the Constitution, not in any specific court case. |
a. The Bill of Rights. | ||
b. The Preamble to the Constitution. | ||
c. The Civil War amendments. | ||
d. Article II |
a. Religious freedom for all. | ||
b. Freedom for Catholics. | ||
c. A government that did not endorse any specific religion. | ||
d. The freedom to practice their own religion. |
a. Article II of the Constitution | ||
b. Article I of the Constitution | ||
c. State laws | ||
d. The Bill of Rights |
a. The Fifteenth Amendment | ||
b. The Sixteenth Amendment | ||
c. The Fourteenth Amendment | ||
d. It is not in an amendment. |
a. To address their fears about the citizens' ability to wield power in the new government. | ||
b. To address their fears about the new federal government's potential to abuse power. | ||
c. To address their fears about the new state governments' potential to abuse power. | ||
d. To maintain an ability to collect taxes. |
a. They ruled that citizens did not have to testify against their spouses. | ||
b. They ruled that sexual relations between married citizens were not subject to legal restrictions. | ||
c. They ruled that the press could not investigate the spouse of a political leader. | ||
d. They ruled that a state's ban on the use of contraceptives violated the right to marital privacy. |
a. As an expression of one's personality or personhood, focusing upon the right of the individual to define his or her essence as a human being. | ||
b. As the moral freedom of the individual to engage in his or her own thoughts, actions, and decisions. | ||
c. As citizens' ability to regulate information about themselves. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. They seem to be making recommendations that would further limit civil liberties. | ||
b. Their recommendations seem very supportive of the Patriot Act. | ||
c. They seem to make recommendations that would protect civil liberties. | ||
d. Their recommendations seem more concerned with security than civil liberties. |
a. It authorized secret arrests. | ||
b. It authorized stripping Americans of their citizenship for engaging in constitutionally protected conduct. | ||
c. It eliminated restrictions on court orders issued to prevent police spying. | ||
d. All of the above are provisions of Patriot II. |
a. First | ||
b. Third | ||
c. Fifth | ||
d. All of the above |
a. Due process | ||
b. Right to counsel | ||
c. Double jeopardy | ||
d. Eminent domain |
a. That the Ninth Amendment, which states that the Bill of Rights does not exhaust all the rights contained by the people, allows the Court to find the "fundamental right to marital privacy." | ||
b. That several of the amendments interpreted together through the Fourteenth Amendment combined make up the right to privacy. | ||
c. That a "fundamental right to marital privacy" exists only because marital privacy has traditionally been protected by American society. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. That the courts should not recognize individual privacy. | ||
b. That the courts should recognize individual privacy. | ||
c. That the Constitution does not make allowances for individual privacy. | ||
d. That the media should have the right to print whatever they see fit because of the freedom of speech. |
a. They suggest the new immigrations laws associated with the Patriot Act will not threaten the liberties of US citizens. | ||
b. The authors suggest that laws and regulations intended to protect citizens from terrorists may actually threaten the liberties of non-terrorist citizens. | ||
c. They suggest that immigrants should not receive the same protections under the law. | ||
d. They suggest that the Constitution provides for same protections for immigrants under the law. |
a. It prohibits the government from infringing on fundamental constitutional liberties. | ||
b. It gives the government the authority to prosecute criminals. | ||
c. It puts limitations on the manner in which a law is administered, applied, or enforced. | ||
d. It prevents the federal government from being constrained by state laws when prosecuting criminals. |
a. It prohibits the government from infringing on fundamental constitutional liberties. | ||
b. It gives the government the authority to prosecute criminals. | ||
c. It puts limitations on the manner in which a law is administered, applied, or enforced. | ||
d. It prevents the federal government from being constrained by state laws when prosecuting criminals. |
a. Thurgood Marshall | ||
b. Warren Burger | ||
c. Louis Brandeis | ||
d. John Jay |
a. Because it was not a state right. | ||
b. Because it is unconstitutional discourage illicit sexual conduct. | ||
c. Because outlawing abortion could threaten the health of women. | ||
d. Because abortion fell under a "zone of privacy." |
a. They continued to conform to English law. | ||
b. They did not regulate speech except in cases of libel. | ||
c. They passed a number of statutes regulating speech, but neither the royal governors nor the local courts seemed to have enforced them with any degree of rigor. | ||
d. They passed a number of statutes regulating speech and the royal governors and local courts enforced these laws with rigor. |
a. It is an extension of English law. | ||
b. It is a response to English law that punished citizens for any critical utterances about the government. | ||
c. It comes from early American thinkers and leaders who thought it was necessary for democracy. | ||
d. Both B and C |
a. Through the late nineteenth century the state could only interfere with gatherings that actually disturbed the public peace, whereas today the right of peaceable assembly has narrowed. | ||
b. Through the late nineteenth century the state often interfered with public gatherings, whereas today the right of assembly is regulated much less. | ||
c. The regulation of the right of assembly has been one of the most consistent of liberties provided in the Bill of Rights. | ||
d. The right of peaceable assembly has broadened since the nineteenth century. |
a. Speech can be legally limited if will bring about dangers that Congress has a right to prevent. | ||
b. Speech can be legally limited if it is damaging to the government. | ||
c. Speech can be legally limited if it is damaging to individual politicians. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. It does not violate First Amendment rights for the government to prohibit the use of protest signs within a designated range of a foreign embassy. | ||
b. It violates First Amendment rights for the government to prohibit the use of protest signs within a designated range of a foreign embassy. | ||
c. Whether it violates First Amendment rights for the government to prohibit the use of protest signs outside a foreign embassy is contingent on how far away from the embassy the signs are displayed. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. The Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution does not extend the reach of freedom of speech and freedom of the press to state governments. | ||
b. The Court upheld Gitlow's conviction on the basis that the government may suppress or punish speech when it directly advocates the unlawful overthrowing of the government. | ||
c. The Court overthrew Gitlow's conviction on the basis that the government may not suppress or punish speech when it directly advocates the unlawful overthrowing of the government. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. A private organization cannot legally prohibit assembly at its physical location unless the assembly is violent. | ||
b. A private organization can legally prohibit assembly at its physical location because it is not the functional equivalent of a town and, therefore, not a state actor subject to the requirements of the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. | ||
c. A private organization cannot legally prohibit assembly at its physical location because it is the functional equivalent of a town and, therefore, not a state actor subject to the requirements of the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. | ||
d. Freedom of assembly is not subject to a private/public distinction. |
a. The Court held that public figures may recover for the intentional infliction of emotional distress from a publication. | ||
b. The Court held that public figures may not recover for the intentional infliction of emotional distress from a publication unless such speech is a false statement of the facts. | ||
c. The Court held that public figures may recover for the intentional infliction of emotional distress from a publication unless such speech is a false statement of the facts. | ||
d. The Court held that public figures may not recover for the intentional infliction of emotional distress from a publication so long as such speech was not done with actual malice, or it could not reasonably be construed to state actual facts about its subject. |
a. The government could not censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance. | ||
b. The government could censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance. | ||
c. The government could censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance if said publication had a history of speech that violated the "clear and present danger test." | ||
d. The government could censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance if said publication had a history of speech that was obscene. |
a. The government could censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance. | ||
b. The government could not censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance. | ||
c. The government could censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance if the material to be published was a threat to national security. | ||
d. The government could censor or otherwise prohibit a publication in advance if the material to be published was classified. |
a. The Court held that Johnson's burning of a US flag was not a protected expression under the First Amendment. | ||
b. The Court held that Johnson's burning of a US flag was a protected expression under the First Amendment but that states could create laws to ban flag burning. | ||
c. The Court held that Texas could arrest citizens for burning the US flag. | ||
d. The Court held that Johnson's burning of a US flag was protected expression under the First Amendment. |
a. The Declaration of the United States | ||
b. The US Constitution | ||
c. The Pennsylvania Declaration of Rights of 1776 | ||
d. None of the above |
a. No, not under any circumstance. | ||
b. Yes, but only with just compensation. | ||
c. Yes, but only if that citizen has committed a crime and is afforded the due process of law. | ||
d. Both B and C are correct |
a. The Declaration of Independence | ||
b. The Magna Carta and the Virginia Declaration of Rights of 1776 | ||
c. It is original to the Constitution. | ||
d. French Philosophy |
a. They decided that they must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society. | ||
b. Their interpretation was unclear at first. | ||
c. At first, the Court was inclined to an historical style on interpretation, determining whether or not a punishment was cruel and unusual by looking to see if it or a sufficiently similar variant was considered cruel and unusual in 1789. | ||
d. They simply decided whether the punishment fit the crime. |
a. They decided that they must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society. | ||
b. Their interpretation was unclear at first. | ||
c. At first, the Court was inclined to an historical style on interpretation, determining whether or not a punishment was cruel and unusual by looking to see if it or a sufficiently similar variant was considered cruel and unusual in 1789. | ||
d. They simply decided whether the punishment fit the crime. |
a. To assure that people charged with capital crimes are done only through indictments by Grand Juries. | ||
b. To prevent people from being charged for the same crime twice. | ||
c. To not force people to be a witness against themselves in a criminal trial. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. The "warrants-with- broad-exceptions approach" and the "reasonableness approach." | ||
b. The "warrants-with- broad-exceptions approach" and the "warrant-only approach." | ||
c. The "warrants-with- narrow-exceptions approach" and the "reasonableness approach." | ||
d. The "warrants-with- narrow-exceptions approach" and the "warrant-only approach." |
a. It helps to assure the criminal defendant a fair and accurate adjudication of guilt or innocence. | ||
b. It helps attract potential jurors. | ||
c. It discourages perjury. | ||
d. Both A and C |
a. After being charged with a crime, the defendant must get a trial date within 4 weeks. | ||
b. The Constitution requires the states to provide defense attorneys to criminal defendants charged with serious offenses who cannot afford lawyers themselves. | ||
c. Detained criminal suspects, prior to police questioning, must be informed of their constitutional right to an attorney and against self-incrimination. | ||
d. A Defendant can opt to have a private trial as opposed to a public trial to protect his or her First Amendment rights. |
a. After being charged with a crime, the defendant must get a trial date within 4 weeks. | ||
b. The Constitution requires the states to provide defense attorneys to criminal defendants charged with serious offenses who cannot afford lawyers themselves. | ||
c. Detained criminal suspects, prior to police questioning, must be informed of their constitutional right to an attorney and against self-incrimination. | ||
d. A Defendant can opt to have a private trial as opposed to a public trial to protect his or her First Amendment rights. |
a. It was born out of both the colonial experience and experience back in England. | ||
b. It was solely a response to the colonial experience. | ||
c. It was primarily a response to experience back in England. | ||
d. It strictly came from French philosophy. |
a. The government's action must have a secular legislative purpose. | ||
b. The government's action must not have the primary effect of either advancing or inhibiting religion. | ||
c. The government's action must not result in an "excessive government entanglement" with religion. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. Pluralistic societies of today should favor one moral tradition or religious framework when making policy arguments because it simplifies the issue for the public. | ||
b. Pluralistic societies of today should not favor only one moral tradition or religious framework when making policy arguments because it leads to the discrimination of others who are also affected by such discourse. | ||
c. The debate on bioethics should avoid any address of religious morality. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. The Supreme Court rulings on religion in public schools can be summarized by saying that public schools need not accommodate religion just as they do other non-curricular activities. | ||
b. The Supreme Court rulings on religion in public schools can be summarized by saying public schools have the right to coerce or compel students to participate in religious activities. | ||
c. The Supreme Court rulings on religion in public schools can be summarized by saying that religious expression should be neither promoted nor inhibited in public schools. | ||
d. The Supreme Court rulings on religion in public schools can be summarized by saying that religious expression should be inhibited in public schools. |
a. The Court struck down the Religious Freedom Reformation Act (RFRA). | ||
b. The Court struck upheld the Religious Freedom Reformation Act (RFRA). | ||
c. It determined that it is unconstitutional for state officials to compose an official school prayer and encourage its recitation in public schools. | ||
d. It determined that it is constitutional for state officials to compose an official school prayer and encourage its recitation in public schools. |
a. It protected students from being forced to salute the American flag and say the Pledge of Allegiance in school. | ||
b. It allowed schools to expel students who refused to salute the American flag and say the Pledge of Allegiance in school. | ||
c. It determined that it is unconstitutional for state officials to compose an official school prayer and encourage its recitation in public schools. | ||
d. It determined that it is constitutional for state officials to compose an official school prayer and encourage its recitation in public schools. |
a. It protected students from being forced to salute the American flag and say the Pledge of Allegiance in school. | ||
b. It allowed schools to expel students who refused to salute the American flag and say the Pledge of Allegiance in school. | ||
c. It determined that it is unconstitutional for state officials to compose an official school prayer and encourage its recitation in public schools. | ||
d. It determined that it is constitutional for state officials to compose an official school prayer and encourage its recitation in public schools. |
a. The open expression of religious beliefs by elected officials. | ||
b. The open expression of religious beliefs by government workers. | ||
c. The establishment of a national religion. | ||
d. It makes no other address of religion. |
a. They were fleeing religious persecution coming from the Church of England. | ||
b. They sought to practice Catholicism freely. | ||
c. They wanted to avoid heavy taxes. | ||
d. They wanted to establish a new government that enforced the separation of church and state. |
a. It abolished unequal application of voter registration requirements. | ||
b. It prohibited discrimination in public accommodations. | ||
c. It prohibited employment discrimination by any business employing more than 25 people. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. It granted African Americans the right to vote. | ||
b. It institutionalized Jim Crow laws at the national level. | ||
c. It authorized the federal government to assume control of the voter registration process in any state or voting district that had in 1964 employed a literacy or other qualifying test for African Americans to register to vote or to vote. | ||
d. Both A and C. |
a. She organized several protests of racial segregation in Alabama in the 1960s. | ||
b. She organized the bus boycott of Montgomery, Alabama in 1955. | ||
c. She was arrested for refusing to move from a luncheon counter that served only whites. | ||
d. She refused to move from the front rows of a city bus in Montgomery, Alabama when the driver ordered her to give up her seat when another white person boarded the bus. |
a. The black churches during the civil rights era were helpful to the cause primarily because they helped garner support from religious whites. | ||
b. The black churches during the civil rights era were helpful to the cause primarily because they promoted a communal spirituality that helped spawn a movement that sought its objectives by peaceful means. | ||
c. The black churches during the civil rights era were helpful to the cause primarily because they provided financial support for the cause. | ||
d. The black churches during the civil rights era were helpful to the cause primarily because they provided an organizational front for the cause. |
a. An interpretation of the Constitution that required states to racially integrate public facilities. | ||
b. An interpretation of the Constitution that did not require states to racially integrate public facilities but rather required them to provide separate facilities for whites and non-whites that were of equal quality. | ||
c. An interpretation of the Constitution that required southern states to provide public facilities for all races that were equal in quality to Northern public facilities. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. Justice Curtis argued that any person deemed by any state to be its citizen was also, by definition, a citizen of the United States. | ||
b. Justice Curtis argued that slavery was not constitutional, thus, any citizen who had been granted freedom from his owner was now always free. | ||
c. Justice Curtis contested the basic distinction that Chief Justice Taney had made between state and national citizenship. | ||
d. Justice Curtis argued that any person deemed by the United States to be its citizen was also, by definition, a citizen of all states. |
a. Justice Harlan advocated social equality among the races. | ||
b. Justice Harlan that segregation on the railcars violated blacks' constitutionally protected right to equal protection of the law. | ||
c. Justice Harlan argued that whites were dominant and should remain that way, but that the Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. | ||
d. Both A and B. |
a. The Court ruled that Americans of African descent, whether free or slave, were not American citizens and could not sue in federal court. | ||
b. The Court established the "separate but equal" doctrine. | ||
c. The Court ruled that states could not pass legislation undermining the Court's previous ruling that segregation of schools was unconstitutional. | ||
d. The Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools is unconstitutional. |
a. The Court ruled that Americans of African descent, whether free or slave, were not American citizens and could not sue in federal court. | ||
b. The Court established the "separate but equal" doctrine. | ||
c. The Court ruled that states could not pass legislation undermining the Court's previous ruling that segregation of schools was unconstitutional. | ||
d. The Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools is unconstitutional. |
a. The Court ruled that Americans of African descent, whether free or slave, were not American citizens and could not sue in federal court. | ||
b. The Court established the "separate but equal" doctrine. | ||
c. The Court ruled that states could not pass legislation undermining the Court's previous ruling that segregation of schools was unconstitutional. | ||
d. The Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools is unconstitutional. |
a. The Court ruled that a university's use of racial "quotas" in its admissions process was unconstitutional, but a school's use of affirmative action to accept more minority applicants was in some circumstances. | ||
b. The Court ruled that the use of affirmative action in school admission is constitutional if it treats race as one factor among many. | ||
c. The Court ruled that the use of affirmative action in school admission was categorically unconstitutional. | ||
d. The Court ruled that the use of affirmative action in school admission violated the equal protection clause. |
a. The Court ruled that Americans of African descent, whether free or slave, were not American citizens and could not sue in federal court. | ||
b. The Court established the "separate but equal" doctrine. | ||
c. The Court ruled that states could not pass legislation undermining the Court's previous ruling that segregation of schools was unconstitutional. | ||
d. The Court ruled that racial segregation in public schools is unconstitutional. |
a. The Court ruled that a university's use of racial "quotas" in its admissions process was unconstitutional, but a school's use of affirmative action to accept more minority applicants was in some circumstances. | ||
b. The Court ruled that the use of affirmative action in school admission is constitutional if it treats race as one factor among many. | ||
c. The Court ruled that the use of affirmative action in school admission was categorically unconstitutional. | ||
d. The Court ruled that the use of affirmative action in school admission violated the equal protection clause. |
a. It asserted that every three "unfree persons," or slaves, in Northern states would count as five people when calculating the size of a state's congressional delegation. | ||
b. It specified the size of the majority needed in Congress to overrule institutionalized slavery. | ||
c. It asserted that every five "unfree persons," or slaves, would count as three people when calculating the size of a state's congressional delegation. | ||
d. It was a policy idea that was never adopted in the Constitution that was proposed by Northern states to Southern states on how to count slaves when calculating the size of a state's congressional delegation. |
a. Laws that legalized slavery. | ||
b. Laws that outlawed slavery. | ||
c. Laws that prohibited segregation. | ||
d. Laws that legalized segregation. |
a. State laws that authorized punishments for slaves who resisted their master's commands. | ||
b. State laws that determined the price of slaves. | ||
c. State laws that prohibited slaves from owning property. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. Charles Hamilton Houston | ||
b. Thurgood Marshall | ||
c. Ralph Johnson Bunche | ||
d. Marcus Garvey |
a. It was before every Congress since 1923 until it passed in 1972 and then was reintroduced in 1982 and has been before every Congress since. | ||
b. It was first introduced in 1972 and has been before every Congress since. | ||
c. It was first introduced in 1982 and has been before every Congress since. | ||
d. It was before every Congress since 1923 until it passed in 1972. |
a. Gradually individual states granted the right until all states had done so. | ||
b. It was granted by congressional legislation. | ||
c. An amendment to the Constitution was passed. | ||
d. It was granted through executive order. |
a. The states ratified it quickly and overwhelmingly. | ||
b. It barely garnered the support necessary to be ratified. | ||
c. The states ratified it overwhelmingly but it was slow moving. | ||
d. The states did not ratify it. |
a. A group of females who attempted to protest in front of the White House for women's suffrage were arrested and paid a $25 fine instead of going to the workhouse for a 60 day sentence. | ||
b. A group of females who attempted to protest in front of the White House for women's suffrage were arrested and refused to pay a $25 fine so they accepted a sentence to the workhouse for 60 days. | ||
c. A group of females who attempted to protest in front of the White House for women's suffrage were arrested and the court threatened to send them to the workhouse for a 60 day sentence, so they agreed not to protest again. | ||
d. A group of females who attempted to protested outside this workhouse because they were illegally forcing women to work without pay. |
a. She got a law degree for the sole purpose of fighting for suffrage in the courts. | ||
b. She organized sit-ins. | ||
c. She circumvented the national government and focused on state legislation. | ||
d. She used a hunger strike. |
a. He supported it from the beginning. | ||
b. He never agreed to offer his support because he believed it was the right of individual states. | ||
c. He initially would not support an amendment for women's suffrage but eventually was persuaded to offer his support. | ||
d. He initially supported an amendment for women's suffrage but eventually was persuaded to change his position. |
a. It came in 1848, at the first Woman's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, NY where Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, who had met as abolitionists working against slavery, convened a two-day meeting of 300 women and men to call for justice for women. | ||
b. It came at the Constitutional Convention in 1787 where Susan B. Anthony made a plea for the Bill of Rights to include an amendment to guarantee gender equality. | ||
c. It came after the Civil War, when Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Sojourner Truth fought in vain to have women included in new constitutional amendments giving rights to former slaves. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. The Court held that the Constitution inherently supported equal rights for women. | ||
b. The Court upheld state restrictions on the working hours of women as justified by the special state interest in protecting women's health. | ||
c. The Court ruled that a law classifying benefits on the basis of gender violated the Constitution. | ||
d. The Court ruled that a policy which did not allow the hiring of mothers with pre-school aged children because they were assumed to be unreliable employees was not unconstitutional. |
a. The Court held that the Constitution did not grant women the right to vote. | ||
b. The Court held that the Constitution did grant women the right to vote. | ||
c. The Court held that the Constitution did grant women the right to vote but only conditionally. | ||
d. The Court held that the Constitution inherently supported equal rights for women. |
a. The Court held that the Constitution did not grant women the right to vote. | ||
b. The Court upheld state restrictions on the working hours of women as justified by the special state interest in protecting women's health. | ||
c. The Court overthrew state restrictions on the working hours of women as justified by the special state interest in protecting women's health. | ||
d. The Court held that the Constitution inherently supported equal rights for women. |
a. The Court held that the Constitution inherently supported equal rights for women. | ||
b. The Court upheld state restrictions on the working hours of women as justified by the special state interest in protecting women's health. | ||
c. The Court overthrew state restrictions on the working hours of women as justified by the special state interest in protecting women's health. | ||
d. The Court ruled that a policy which did not allow the hiring of mothers with pre-school aged children because they were assumed to be unreliable employees was not unconstitutional. |
a. The Court struck down the Virginia Military Institute's long-standing male-only admission policy. | ||
b. The Court upheld the Virginia Military Institute's long-standing male-only admission policy. | ||
c. The Court ruled that a law classifying benefits on the basis of gender violated the Constitution. | ||
d. The Court held that the Constitution inherently supported equal rights for women. |
a. Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex. | ||
b. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. | ||
c. This amendment shall take effect two years after the date of ratification. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. 1848 | ||
b. 1919 | ||
c. 1982 | ||
d. It was never passed. |
a. They always had the right to vote. | ||
b. 1919 | ||
c. 1965 | ||
d. 1848 |
a. The 11th Amendment. | ||
b. The 19th Amendment. | ||
c. The 27th Amendment. | ||
d. The 14th Amendment. |
a. It invalidated all existing state and local provisions that discriminated against gays and prohibited any future enactment of any such legislation. | ||
b. It validated all existing state and local provisions that discriminated against gays. | ||
c. It legalized gay marriage in Colorado. | ||
d. It created same-sex medical benefits. |
a. Homosexuality is a sin and a threat to society. | ||
b. Gay rights are a threat to society and they seek to provide special rights that are not provided to other groups. | ||
c. There is no need for gay rights laws because the Constitution already protects everyone equally and gay rights are a threat to society. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. What state the case is heard in. | ||
b. The ability of the interests behind the case to mobilize organizational resources. | ||
c. The ideological makeup of the Court at the time. | ||
d. It is completely random. There is no single factor. |
a. She argues that successes are likely to serve as rallying cries for the opposition. | ||
b. She argues that there is little effect because courts are not designed to effect social change. | ||
c. She argues that the opportunities present will determine how winning and losing in the courts affects the lives of gay people. | ||
d. None of the above |
a. The police raided a gay bar and the patrons fought back. | ||
b. There was a march on Washington for gay rights and it became violent. | ||
c. A group of gay rights activists organized sit-in at a bar that refused service to gays. | ||
d. A concerted multi-city protest against the oppression of gays was organized and it became violent in many cities. |
a. The religious right's role in constructing a conservative Christian frame in order to mobilize voters and activists against the gay rights movement has been greatly exaggerated. | ||
b. Religious groups have begun to show more support for gay rights. | ||
c. The religious right has not done a very good job of framing gay rights issues. | ||
d. The religious right actively works to construct a conservative Christian frame in order to mobilize voters and activists against the gay rights movement. |
a. Gay Marriage. | ||
b. Sodomy laws. | ||
c. Job discrimination. | ||
d. All of the above |
a. The Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that the state's ban on same-sex marriage did not constitute sex discrimination under the state's constitution. | ||
b. The Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that the state's ban on same-sex marriage constituted sex discrimination under the state's constitution. | ||
c. The Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that employers could not discriminate based on sexual preference. | ||
d. The Hawaii Supreme Court ruled that employers' right to discriminate based on sexual preference was protected under the state's constitution. |
a. The Vermont Supreme Court ruled that the state's ban on same-sex marriage did not constitute sex discrimination under the state's constitution. | ||
b. The Vermont Supreme Court ruled that the state's ban on same-sex marriage constituted sex discrimination under the state's constitution. | ||
c. The Vermont Supreme Court ruled that the state was not required to provide all the same benefits to same-sex couples that it did to other married couples. | ||
d. The Vermont Supreme Court ruled that the state was required to provide all the same benefits to same-sex couples that it did to other married couples. |
a. The Court overthrew the constitutionality of a sodomy law criminalizing oral and anal sex in private between consenting adults when applied to homosexuals. | ||
b. The Court ruled that Colorado's Amendment 2 was unconstitutional. | ||
c. The Court upheld constitutionality of a sodomy law criminalizing oral and anal sex in private between consenting adults when applied to homosexuals. | ||
d. The Court ruled that Colorado's Amendment 2 was constitutional. |
a. The Court upheld the constitutionality of a sodomy law criminalizing oral and anal sex in private between consenting adults when applied to homosexuals. | ||
b. The Court ruled that Colorado's Amendment 2 was unconstitutional. | ||
c. The Court ruled that state laws banning homosexual sodomy are unconstitutional as a violation of the right to privacy. | ||
d. The Court ruled that Colorado's Amendment 2 was unconstitutional. |
a. The Court upheld the constitutionality of a sodomy law criminalizing oral and anal sex in private between consenting adults when applied to homosexuals. | ||
b. The Court ruled that Colorado's Amendment 2 was unconstitutional. | ||
c. The Court ruled that state laws banning homosexual sodomy are unconstitutional as a violation of the right to privacy. | ||
d. The Court ruled that Colorado's Amendment 2 was constitutional. |